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and preservers of the people? I ħave too good an opinion of the loyalty and integrity of the citizens of Exeter to suppose for one moment that it is possible, and I am confident your choice will fall on men of a very different description.

A FREEMAN. Exeter, Dec. 24, 1816,

In answer to our Address of the 17th inst. a Paper

has appeared, addressed to the honest, temperate, * and industriqus Electors of Exeter.

One man only is publicly known in Exeter, capable of writing such a paper, and the friends of Mr. Northmore are satisfied that even those who may be unacquainted with them and their cause will impute something of honest, virtuous, and respect able to both, since they have excited the attacks of that notorious and contemptible writer.

They do not wish to gain over to their side, any who are narrow-minded as to be prejudiced by the above-mentioned paper, without having compared it with the address to which it pretends to be a reply.The comparison will be enough to convince every candid man which is the unprincipled party.

Mr. Northmore's friends are prepared to meet all the resistance that can be brought against them, by honorable and constitutional means.— Regard for the honor of the city, leads them to regret that they have been, as yet, opposed only by those means which the abuses of the constitution bave enabled their ad. versaries to employ; by the exercise of undue in, fluence, by mean oppression, by falsehood and misrepresentation :--Particular instances are recorded. and will be published on a proper occasion.

The friends of Mr. Northmore cannot now help saying, that were they but a trifling and insufficient part of the citizens of Exeter,-- contempt for the

principles by which they are opposed, and pride in the independence and integrity of their own, would determine them to stand firm on the ground they have taken, and maintain their cause to the last.

THE FRIENDS OF MR. NORTHMORE, Exeter, Dec. 28, 1816.

To the Inhabitants of the City of Exeler.

At a period like the present, when the gene, ral distress is daily augmenting, and the price of bread, that essentiai article of subsistence, is most alarmingly enhanced, and continues progressively advancing, as certain as the succeeding week comes round; how is it, that such an unaccountable supineness should prevail, with respect to the measures necessary to be peệused at this momentous crisis, for averting one of the greatest evils which can befal the human race ?

When that odious, iniquitous, and inquisitorial impost, the INCOME-TAX, was found to bear S9 heavily, and so unequally on different classes of society, what was the mode adopted to get rid of it? Why, petitions were poured from every quarter of the kingdom into the House of Commons, praying its repeal, which prayer was breathed in so ardent a tone, as to produce the desired effect, notwithstand. ing every effort of ministers for its continuance.

The CORN-Bill is in its effects, still more odious and oppressive, for it wears famine on its brows, and its path is marked by desolation; could we have received supplies from abroad, the foreign merehant would have taken our goods in exchange, the manufacturing of which would have employed at least, a part of the starving population.

Wait not therefore till the quartern loaf is Two SHILLINGS Lwait not a day longer, before you send e requisition to the chief magistrate of this city, to

call a meeting of its inhabitants, to consider of a petition to the legislature to repeat that most abomipable of all Bills, the CORN-BILL ; its continuance must inevitably increase those evils ten-fold, under which we are this moment sinking..

A POOR MAN. Exeter, Jan. 2, 1817.

To the Gentlemen, Clergy, Freemen, & Freeholders,

of the City of Exeter. GENTLEMEN,

Having now completed a very GENERAL CANVASS, I beg to return you my most sincere thanks for the greatest kindness with which I have been received.

The many instances of regard and friendship which this occasion has called forth, can never be effaced from my recollection.

No arts have been spared by some anonymous adversaries, which could tend to misrepresent my situation and conduct, or to mislead the judgment of the voters, by insidious appeals to their passions ; apd the distress under which many now unfortunately labor, arising from a combination of causes, has been falsely attributed to the operation of measures which I thought it my duty to support, with a view to the general and permanent benefit of the community at large.- But such arts will not succeed in Exeter.

The very numerous promises of support which have been given, whilst they afford me the pleasing satisfaction of kpowing that my general conduct has met the approbation of my fellow citizens, render the issue of a contest no longer doubtful.

If, in the course of this canvass, I have omitted to pay my respects to any individual, I hope the omission will be considered wholly unintentional, as it has been unavoidable.

When the time of election arrives, I shall håsten to offer myself to your choice; and I beg to assure you that a renewal of your confidence will stimulate me to deserve it by the strictest attention to the various duties attached to the high situation of your representative in.parliament.

I have the honor to remain,
With the utmost respect,

GENTLEMEN,
Your obliged and faithful humble servant,

W. COURTENAY. Exeter, 4th January, 1817.

To the Gentlemen, Clergy, Freemen, f. Freeholders,

of the City of Exeter.

Mr. Courtenay has at last, on his departure, ahade you an address.

Some who have observed the progress of his canvass may be puzzled to reconcile this communication with general appearances, but the greater part of the citi. zens of Exeter are wise enough to see in his sweeping declaration of haivng been received with general kind ness, regard and friendship, and in his confidence of success, unluckily contradicted by the upavoidable mention of strong adversuries, the marks of a falling cảuse.

Mr. Harris professes the same confidence of support of his friends, and the same hopes of success; both perhaps are equally well founded.

It would not have been thought worth while to comment upon

had he not thrown out some, il-advised remarks upon some “anonymous adversa=> ries ;" he would not say "6 the friends of Mr. Northmore,” because that would have been too plain a con: fession that the shots they had fired had been well aimed:

his paper

He says they have used “every art to poison the minds of the people.” Why, then, does he not give the people an antidote ? Because the poison of which he complains is TRUTH, and against that; corruption has no remedy.

He says “they have misrepresented his situation and conduct." By that pettifogging half-meaning expression, “situation," he means the office he holds under government. Why did he not tell you what his situation is ?-Because he has nothing to oppose to the truth. He received his appointment to the situation from the government, and the government may remove him when it pleases. What difference then whether his pay comes directly from the receipt of his office, or passes through the treasury ? Every one knows that the administration would not have allowed the situation to have been given to him if they could not have depended upon his supporting all their measures.

his conduct” is a more candid expression; but who has misrepresented it ? Has any one said that he opposed the Corn-Bill? that he has voted for Rex trenchment and Economy? that he has opposed Sinecures and the immense Standing Army-or the exhorbitant Civil List? If his conduct has been misrepresënted, it has been by his own party. Mr. North more's friends do not want to misrepresent; all they want is that the the truth should be known.

Mt. Courtenay says “such arts,the arts of speaking plain truth, " will not succeed in Exeter "---Poor old loyal devoted city! are you then to be condemned to perpetual darkness and ignorance; and while the surrounding country is pluming itself on its enlightenment, and rejoicing in the flight of bigotted opinions and oppressive influence, are you to be made a gloomy cage for these to shelter in No--you shall not,--though they, who by their rank ought to be the guardians of your liberty are still asleep, there are

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