of our way of thinking who believe so fully in the ultimate power of our country in India, that they are apt to despise what generally goes by the name of prestige. That is a view with which I cannot sympathize. Prestige, Mr. Speaker, I once heard well described-I think the description emanated from an hon. Member of this House-prestige is credit, and credit, as we all know, is capital. Prestige, in the present case, is the estimate formed in the Native mind of the invincibility of the British power in India. It is that which in the olden times was won for you by the genius of Marquess Wellesley and the great Wellington, and, in more recent years, by Pollock, Nott, Sale, and Havelock. Let us remember how much this prestige has cost to win, and prize it as the talisman of the future. With regard to increase of territory, I ought, perhaps, to say that, in the ordinary acceptation of the word, I believe Great Britain desires no increase of territory either in India or anywhere else; but I may venture to express a hope, with regard to the future, that in any rectification of Frontier which may take place by arrangement with the Border Tribeswho are independent of Shere Ali to a great extent, be it remembered otherwise, that care will be taken to have the mountains on our own side. In that case our responsibility will not only be not increased, but we shall be able, at less cost and at less trouble, to guard our own, which is all that Great Britain desires to do, and with less than which I hope she will never be content. to show that he not only understood it, but fully acknowledged the justice of our demands. For it must be quite clear that in any Treaty entered into by us for securing the integrity of Shere Ali's dominions, it would be necessary to us to secure speedy and trustworthy information of what was going on upon the Frontiers, if only to enable us to carry into effect our engagement to prevent conduct on his part provocative of Russian aggression. If we had not done this we should have been placing our responsibility at the mercy of Shere Ali's caprice. The Peshawur Conference went on until the Envoy died, and then Lord Lytton, having information of continued hostility on the part of the Ameer-who was trying to raise a jehad, or religious war, against the English-wisely seized that opportunity to close the Conference. For 12 months nothing more was done, when all British India was, as my noble Friend has said, startled by the intelligence that a Russian Mission had been received at Cabul. Then the question arose as to whether the Government could remain a pacific spectator of that great event? and it was felt that to do so would be practically to hand over the interests of Afghanistan to Russia, in the same way that Bokhara had been handed over to her. I do not know whether, as a simple matter of International Law, it might have been justifiable for Shere Ali to receive a Russian Mission, and to reject an English one; but for our Government to have permitted such conduct would have been contrary to all the dictates of I thank the House very much for common sense, and would have been having listened to me so patiently; and an utter disregard of that salus repub-I will only venture, in conclusion, to lire which we all know is suprema lex. It must be quite clear that even if the British Government could have forgotten the treachery-the base treachery-of Shere Ali, and the gifts which have been so freely lavished upon him by successive Viceroys during a period of eight years-gifts comprising ammunition without end, 12 cannon, 21,000 rifles, and £250,000-for which no sort of return has ever been made, or is ever likely to be made; if they could have forgotten all that, it was absolutely impossible for them, as guardians of British honour in India, to forget the insult offered by the stoppage of a peaceful Mission. I believe there are many express a hope that, when those feelings of partisan passion which on these subjects seem naturally to arise, and which although we have heard nothing of them in debate to-night may possibly be still in store for us that when they are hushed, as one day they will be, and the calm gaze of the historian is directed to the Eastern policy of England in 1878, I trust it will bo written that without European convulsion, and at the cost of only a short Frontier war, British India was secured from foreign foes, not only in the SouthEast, amid the fertile valleys of Asia Minor, but also on her North-Western Frontier, in that less hospitable region, which borders on the snows of the Himalayas and the great Hindu-Kush. Motion made, and Question proposed, "That, &c." [See p. 88.] THE MARQUESS OF HARTINGTON Sir, the first and most agreeable portion of my task to-night is to congratulate the House and my Friends the noble Lord the Member for Down (Viscount Castlereagh) and the hon. Member for the City of Oxford (Mr. Hall) for the manner in which they have moved and seconded the Address. It is unnecessary for me to say anything respecting the speech which has just been delivered. The hon. Member who has just spoken has on former occasions often taken part in our debates, and all will be prepared to admit the ability he has on those occasions manifested. With regard to the Mover of the Address, although the last Lord Castlereagh who sat in this House was a statesman with whose politics we on this side of the House could not generally agree, I am sure we shall all be disposed to welcome the appearance of the noble Lord who spoke first to-night, and I hope he will rival the distinction which has been acquired by various members of his family. Secretary of State for the Colonies has attended the recent deliberations of the Cabinet, and I believe he is at present in his place, and that he knows how that has come about. I believe and understand, and we are all aware, that events of the gravest character are occurring in one of the Colonics of South Africa; that a war is actually in progress in that Colony which is occasioning much excitement and some measure of alarm there; and that it has been found necessary to send out reinforcements from the mother country. Yet Her Majesty's Government seem to think it so utterly trifling and unimportant a matter that in Her Majesty's Speech it is not even mentioned. I cannot help thinking that such neglect as this is likely to be felt very deeply by the Colonies. It is possible that no measures dealing with the matter are in contemplation by Her Majesty's Government; but a few words of sympathy and encouragement for the difficulties under which the Colony is at present labouring would have been found acceptable, and would not have been thrown away. There are, Sir, a few lines devoted to the progress made in the re-organization of European Turkey under the provisions of the Treaty of Berlin. I do not complain that the reference is very short; but I think the House will probably expect to have from Her Majesty's Ministers some further information with Certainly the Members who moved and seconded the Address have had before them an easier task than that which has fallen to some of their Pre-regard to the matter. Since the Prodecessors; for Her Majesty's Government have, I must admit, succeeded in compressing the Queen's Speech within shorter limits than those which have marked former documents. Therefore, I suppose, it was not thought necessary for either the Mover or the Seconder of the Address to enter into the consideration of the great variety of those disconnected topics which have frequently somewhat embarrassed Members who had a similar duty to perform. No doubt the haste with which it has been found necessary to summon Parliament will account for some of the omissions which we may perceive in the Queen's Speech; but there are other omissions for which I do not think that hasty summons furnishes a sufficient excuse. In the first place, I have noticed with very great surprise that there is no allusion to the Colonies in the Speech. I believe the right hon. Gentleman the rogation of Parliament we all know that one of the provisions of the Treaty has boen carried into effect; but not without very prolonged resistance on the part of the Turkish people or the Government, and a very considerable loss of life and injury to the resources of Austria. We heard a few weeks ago-as has been mentioned by the hon. Member who has just sat down-that there were considerable difficulties in the plan of organizing a new Province in Eastern Roumelia. We heard, and it was supposed at that time, that obstacles had been thrown in the way by Russia. I trust, however, from the language at the end of Her Majesty's Speech, that the Government will be able to inform us that this is not the case. At the same time, I believe that these obstacles to the desired organization of the Province are very great, and arise both from the difficulty of framing a Constitution for the Province, and also from the disinclination of its | here I may point out the extraordinary inhabitants to remain under Turkish position in which Parliament is placed. rule. I trust, Sir, that in these matters It is now but a few months since we we shall have some information from Her Majesty's Government; and that they will be able to inform us that it will not be necessary to employ force upon the inhabitants of Eastern Roumelia in order to impose upon them a Government to which they are irrevocably opposed. I think the hon. Member for Oxford felt the force of the omissions from Her Majesty's Speech when he referred to the existing depression of trade, and that he thought the matter one worthy of mention in Her Majesty's Speech. It is possible-nay, it is probable-that that depression is beyond the power of control of Her Majesty's Government; but are we to gather from the Speech that they have no legislative intentions with the view of endeavouring to improve the existing state of things? I believe it is unexampled in the history of Queen's Speeches that Parliament should be opened without a single indication from the Throne of the subject of domestic legislation during the Session. We are not without precedent in this case. A Conservative Government was in power when Parliament was hastily summoned at an earlier period of the year than the present for the consideration of a very similar subject. Parliament was summoned, in 1867, on account of the war in Abyssinia, in the middle of the month of November; but on that occasion the form of Her Majesty's gracious Speech was the usual form. The subjects of legislation were set forth at length, and the Business intended to be laid before Parliament during the Session was mentioned in the usual manner. I hope, Sir, that Her Majesty's Government will be able to inform us that the remarkable omission to which I have referred arises from the fact that the Government have not yet made up their minds as to the legislation they are about to introduce; or whether, on the other hand, they know what Bills they will bring in, but that they are of such infinitesimal importance that they could not properly require or find a place in Her Majesty's gracious Speech. I now come, Sir, to the subject which occupies the greater portion of Her Majesty's Speech, and which was the cause of Parliament being summoned at an earlier period than usual. And VOL. CCXLIII. [THIRD SERIES.] were rejoicing at the conclusion of a Treaty-the Treaty of Berlin- and of an arrangement which we were told had given us "peace with honour." Within those few months we find ourselves involved in a war, a war which may be→→ I trust it will not be, but which may be-an anxious and a prolonged war. Although it is not a formidable war, having regard to the antagonist with whom we are immediately engaged in it, yet we cannot conceal from ourselves that it is a war which may probably bring us further difficulties and complications with a more powerful Empire. Well, Sir, and what are the circumstances under which we are called together? Some time since we were told by the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department that a cloud had arisen on the horizon in the East. Well, Sir, that cloud we now find has been in the sight of Her Majesty's Government for the last two years, and yet this House has been in perfect ignorance of its existence; and so far as any official communication to it was concerned, so far as they had information other than that derived from the ordinary sources open to every hon. Member, might have assembled to day and heard in Her Majesty's gracious Speech for the first time that anything had disturbed the tranquillity of our relations in India. It is true that Papers have been laid before us; but with regard to those Papers I think the House has just cause to complain. Three months ago Her Majesty's Government must have been perfectly aware, from the repulse of the Mission, that, whether the matter was amicably settled or not, it should become the subject of discussion in Parliament, and that information should be laid before Parliament. A large portion of those Papers might have been published in the early part of this year; but, though it was known three months since that the Papers must necessarily be presented to Parliament, they were only placed in the hands of hon. Members on Saturday last, and a portion of them only within the last few hours; while other important Papers which bear closely upon the subject, relating to affairs in Central Asia, and which were promised in answer to a E 99 Address in {COMMONS} Question put by my hon. Friend the Member for Chelsea (Sir Charles W. Dilke) at the conclusion of last Session, were only presented last Monday. That, in my opinion, is a very serious matter. It is one not merely affecting the convenience of hon. Members, but which may affect the character and the honour of this House. The case of the Government, I presume, is contained in the Papers which lie on the Table, and the statement of facts as they have occurred has been given in the Queen's Speech. It may reasonably be contended that it would be the proper course and absolutely necessary for any hon. Member who desired to question the policy, the expediency, or the justice of this war to make himself acquainted at the earliest possible period with the contents of those Papers, and to raise those questions upon the earliest possible opportunity namely, upon voting the Address to the Crown; but, in my opinion, the conduct of Her Majesty's Government, to which I have referred, has rendered such a course impossible. The Papers are so voluminous, the subject to many of us is so new, it requires such careful consideration, that no hon. Member would be justified in calling the attention of the House to this great question and asking it to pronounce a final opinion on the conduct pursued by Her Majesty's Government until the House had more time than it could possibly get to examine the case of the Government as set forth in those Papers. Sir, as I have suggested, it may probably become necessary, and be the duty of some hon. Member, to call in question the policy But before and expediency of this war. I go further let me say for myself, and, I believe, for those who sit near me, that we have not the slightest intention to oppose in any way any proposition the Government may make for obtaining the necessary Supplies and means for carrying on the war. In my opinion, this war has been entered upon by Her Majesty's Government, a Government unfortunately as I think-entrusted by Parliament with full powers to enter upon such a course-a Government-unfortunately again, as I think-which has received many proofs of the confidence of the present Parliament, and therefore, as I have stated, fully entitled and empowered to advise the Crown to exercise its Prerogative of declaring war. Under For those circumstances, it appears to me Well, Sir, having said that, I revert to what I said before, and I must acknowledge that the discussions which took place previous to the assembling of Parliament, and the perusal, as fully as I have been able to read them, of the Papers, have raised doubts, and more than doubts they have given rise to a very strong conviction in my mind-that the conduct and policy of Her Majesty's Government which have led to the outbreak of this war are not capable of justification. I trust, Sir, that we shall not be told that, now that the war has broken out, it is mere waste of time to go back to the origin of the war; that a patriotic Parliament has but one duty to perform-namely, to ignore the past, If it and simply to support the Government who have undertaken the war. were necessary to refer to precedents, I could point to the conduct pursued by the Opposition at the close of the last and the beginning of the present century in the course of the War of Independence with the American Colonies and the Revolutionary War with France. With respect to the first case, at all events, I think there is no doubt that the Opposi tion took a wise and patriotic course in ment of this kind, made by one of a opposing, and continuing to oppose, the party implicated in these transactions, Government during that war. With and who has taken part in them, to be regard to the other there may be more made a strictly historical narrative. Such difference of opinion. But I may remind a statement made in these circumstances the House that in 1857, in the other is very apt to become, not an impartial House of Parliament, the late Lord historical narrative, but a mere statement Derby, and in this House Mr. Cobden, of the case upon one side, and accordingly supported by the present Prime Minister, that is what I find to be the character of by the whole Conservative Party, by this despatch; and I contend that, theremany hon. Members on both sides of the fore, that document is not calculated to House, did not think it unpatriotic to enable Parliament and the country to pass a Vote of Censure upon Lord Pal- form a calm and deliberate judgment merston on account of the war which upon what has occurred. That despatch was in progress at the time. But it is has been allowed for some weeks to sink unnecessary to refer to precedent on the into the mind of the country before the subject, for reason points to the same statement on the other side could be conclusion. Therefore, if the Papers put forward. No sooner, however, was had been placed in the hands of hon. that despatch put forward than we Members at an earlier period, it would find its impartiality challenged. I am have been competent to them not only unwilling to refer to a matter that has to discuss and criticise, but, if necessary, already been dealt with at considerable to condemn the policy and conduct of length by those who possess a much Her Majesty's Government. If this fuller knowledge of the subject than I policy has culminated in a war without can pretend to have; but I wish not to the knowledge of Parliament, it would pass it over altogether unnoticed, bebe strange if that fact should absolve the cause I desire to give the right hon. House from the duty of criticizing the Gentleman opposite an opportunity of conduct of the Government. I think, giving the House some explanation with indeed, that the very fact of war having regard to it. I refer to what has taken broken out would only make the conduct place with respect to the 9th and 10th of the Government more worthy of criti- paragraphs of Lord Cranbrook's decism. I have very little doubt that the spatch. In those paragraphs extraorGovernment themselves would not feel a dinary importance is attached to certain complete confidence in the goodness of negotiations which took place between their case in justification of this war. Lord Northbrook, the then Governor The unofficial explanations repeatedly General of India, and the Envoy of the put forward by Gentlemen holding of- Ameer. I am not saying that any actual ficial positions-explanations put for- statement is made; but the general imward in anticipation of the meeting of pression conveyed by those paragraphs Parliament-appear to me to be open has been challenged by those who were to objection and to point to that conclu- concerned in the transactions referred sion. The publication of Lord Cran- to. The impression conveyed is that brook's despatch of the 19th of Novem- Lord Northbrook, finding that the Ameer ber, in anticipation of the publication of of Afghanistan was seriously alarmed the Papers, appears to me to point to at the Russian progress in Central Asia, the same conclusion, and I must confess desired to give to the Ameer certain more that the publication of that despatch extended assurances of support and proappears to me to be open to grave mis-tection than had hitherto been offered to apprehension and objection. The pub-him by the British Government; and that lication of such a document, reviewing on his telegraphing to the Home Governthe whole of the long series of events referred to in the long series of Papers, I think could only be justified by giving to it the strictest character of an historical narrative. Without imputing any intentional partiality to Her Majesty's Government in this matter, I think that it is very difficult for a state ment for permission to do so, he was told that the then Government did not share the Ameer's apprehensions, and that the result of the telegram in reply was to tie Lord Northbrook's hands and to prevent him from giving the assurances which the Ameer desired to receive, and to put the matter off until a E 2 |