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the sorry game of a trimmer in your progress to the acts of an

incendiary; and observing, with regard to Prince and People, the R O snatch to C Ft on most impartial | treachery and desertion, you justify the suspicion of W m RC to f SR C

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your Sovereign by betraying the Government, as you had sold the People. Such has been your cònduct, and at such conduct every

order of your fellow-subjects have a right to exclaim! The mér

chant may say to you, the constitútionalist may say to you, the f hsRC

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Américan may say to you,— and Î, Î now say, and say to your beard,

2. REPLY TO THE DUKE OF GRAFTON.- Lord Thurlow.

I am amazed at the attack which the noble Duke has made on me. Yes, my Lords, I am amazed at his Grace's speech. The noble Duke cannot look before him, behind him, or on either side of him, without seeing some noble Peer who owes his seat in this House to his successful exertions in the profession to which I belong. Does he not feel that it is as honorable to owe it to these, as to being the accident of an accident? To all these noble Lords the language of the noble Duke is as applicable, and as insulting, as it is to myself. But I do not fear to meet it single and alone.

No one venerates the Peerage more than I do; but, my Lords, I must say that the Peerage solicited me,—not I the Peerage. Nay, more,—I can say, and will say, that, as a Peer of Parliament, as Speaker of this right honorable House, as keeper of the great seal, as guardian of his Majesty's conscience, as Lord High Chancellor of England,nay, even in that character alone in which the noble Duke would think it an affront to be considered, but which character none can deny me, as a MAN,—I am at this moment as respectable,-I beg leave to add, I am as much respected, -as the proudest Peer I now look down upon!

3. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM, 1831.-Lord Brougham.

My Lords, I do not disguise | the intense | solicitude which I feel for the event of this debate, because I know full well that the peace of the country is involved in the issue. I cannot look without dismay at the rejection of this measure of Parliamentary Refòrm. But, grievous as may be the consequences of a temporary defeat, témpo

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rary it can only be; for its ultimate, and even speedy success, is cèr

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tain. Nothing can now stop it. Do not suffer yourselves to be

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persuaded that, even if the prêsent Ministers were driven from the

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helm, any one could steer you through the troubles which surround

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you, without | refòrm. But our successors would take up the task in

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circumstances far less auspicious. Under them, you would be fain to grant a bill, compared with which, the one we now proffer you is moderate indeed. Hear the parable of the Sibyl, for it conveys a

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wise and wholesome mòral. She now appears at your gate, and offers you mildly the vólumes—the precious vólumes—of wisdom and peace. The price she asks is reasonable; to restore the från

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You refuse her terms - her moderate terms;—she darkens the porch R C prone

no longer. But sóon- for you cannot do without | her wares - you 1 RO down

call her back. Again she comes, but with dimìnished | trèasures;

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the leaves of the book are in part torn away by lawless hands, in WIR C part defaced with characters of blood. But the prophetic maid has

risen in her demands; - it is Parliaments by the Year-it is Vote

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by the Ballot-it is suffrage by the million! From this you turn ms RC h R CF away indìgnant; and, for the second time, she departs. Beware

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of her third coming! for the treasure you must have; and what

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price she may next demand, who | shall tell? It may even be the

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mace which rests upon that woolsack! What may follow | your course of obstinacy, if persisted in, I cannot take upon me to pre

díct, nor do I wish to conjecture. But this I know full well; that, as sure as man is mòrtal, and to err is húman, justice | defẽrred | enhances the price | at which you must purchase safety and pèace;

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nor can you expect to gather in another | crop | than they did who

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went before you, if you persevere in their utterly abominable | hus

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bandry, of sowing | injustice and reaping | rebellion.

But, among the awful considerations that now bow down my mind, there is one that stands preèminent above the rest. You are

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the highest judicature in the realm; you sit here as judges, and

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decide all causes, civil and criminal, without appeal. It is a judge's | first duty never to pronounce a sentence, in the most trifling case, f BO 1 BO

without hearing. Will you make this the excéption? Are you really

prepared to determine, but not to hear, the mighty cause, upon which

a nation's hopes and fears | háng? You are? Then beware of your

decision! Rouse | not, I beseech you, a peace-loving but a rèsolute

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people! Alienate not from your body the affections of a whole | Em

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pire! As your friend, as the friend of my order, as the friend of my

country, as the faithful | servant of my sovereign, I counsel you to

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assist, with your uttermost efforts, in preserving the peace, and uphold

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ing and perpetuating the Constitution. Therefore, I pray and exhort 1 fRO

you not to reject | this measure. By all you hold most dear, by all

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the ties that bind every one of us to our common | order and our

common | country, I solemnly adjùre you, I warn you, I implòre

you,-yea, on my bended knees I supplicate you,-rejèct | not | this bill!

I do not rise to fawn or cringe to this House; - I do not rise to supplicate you to be merciful toward the nation to which I belong, toward a nation which, though subject to

I call

England, yet is distinct from it. It is a distinct nation: it has been treated as such by this country, as may be proved by history, and by seven hundred years of tyranny. upon this House, as you value the liberty of England, not to allow the present nefarious bill to pass. In it are involved the liberties of England, the liberty of the Press, and of every other institution dear to Englishmen. Against the bill I protest, in the name of the Irish People, and in the face of Heaven. I treat with scorn the puny and pitiful assertion that grievances are not to be complained of,- that our redress is not to be agitated; for, in such cases, remonstrances cannot be too strong, agitation cannot be too violent, to show to the world with what injustice our fair claims are met, and under what tyranny the people suffer. The clause which does away with trial by jury, what, in the name of Heaven, is it, if it is not the establishment of a revolutionary tribunal? It drives the judge from his bench; it does away with that which is more sacred than the Throne itself, that for which your king reigns, your lords deliberate, your commons assemble. If ever I doubted, before, of the success of our agitation for repeal, this bill,— this infamous bill, the way in which it has been received by the House; the manner in which its opponents have been treated; the personalities to which they have been subjected; the yells with which one of them has this night been greeted, all these things dissipate my doubts, and tell me of its complete and early triumph. Do you think those yells will be forgotten? Do you suppose their echo will not reach the plains of my injured and insulted country; that they will not be whispered in her green valleys, and heard from her

lofty hills? Oh, they will be heard there!-yes, and they will not be forgotten. The youth of Ireland will bound with indignation, they will say, "We are eight millions, and you treat us thus, as though we were no more to your country than the isle of Guernsey or of Jersey!"

I have done my duty. I stand acquitted to my conscience and my country. I have opposed this measure throughout, and I now protest against it, as harsh, oppressive, uncalled for, unjust; as establishing an infamous precedent, by retaliating crime against crime;—as tyrannous, — cruelly and vindictively tyrannous!

5. EMPLOYMENT OF INDIANS IN THE AMERICAN WAR.

Earl of Chatham.

MY LORDS,-Who is the mán that, in addition to the disgraces and mischiefs of the wár, has dared to authorize and associate to our arms the tómahawk and scalping-knife of the savage?—to call into civilized allíance the wild and inhuman inhabitant of the woods ?to delegate to the merciless Indian the defense of disputed rìghts, and to wage the horrors of his bàrbarous war against our brethren?

My Lords, these enormities cry aloud for redrèss and pùnishment.
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But, my Lords, this barbarous measure has been defended, not only

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on the principles of policy and necessity, but also on those of mo

rality; "for it is perfectly allowable," says Lord Suffolk, "to use all

the means which God and nature have put into our hands." I am

astònished, I am shocked, to hear such principles confèssed; to hear them avowed in this House, or in this country!

My Lords, I did not intend to encroach so much on your attèntion; but I cannot repress my indignation; — I feel myself impèlled

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to speak. My Lords, we are called upon as members of this House, fRO 8 RO as men, as Christians, to protest against such horrible barbàrity!—

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That God | and nature | have put into our hands! What ideas of

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God and nature that noble lord may entertain, I know not; but I