The British and Foreign Review: Or, European Quarterly Journal

government of India naturally held, was avowedly the fear of exciting any suspicion of our intentions in the minds of other Asiatic nations, who, judging from the history of our conquest of Hindustan, might be apt to think we purposed in their turn to reduce them also to our sway. The precaution was useless: our travellers have incurred more personal hazard from the imputation of being spies sent to explore the way for the march of a British force, than from any difference of creed or complexion. Our policy in this respect has entirely failed; and it has exposed us to the charge of a selfish indifference to the prosperity of Asia, or to a mistrust in the real extent of our resources, and a disbelief in the stability of our power. In the meantime, the activity of Russia has afforded a disadvantageous contrast to our inertness, and would no doubt have won or compelled the Asiatic states generally to submit to her dictates, had we not unexpectedly started from our slumbers, and boldly vindicated our pretensions to the foremost place amongst the governments of the East. There is no reason to apprehend that the claim will be denied. Indistinctly as the cabinets of Asia may see their own interests, they cannot long be blind to the danger that awaits them from the advancing surge of Russian ambition, and will gladly welcome the only rampart that can pretend to stem the tide.

It is clear, then, if the facts are truly stated, that in the transactions which have lately taken place, or which are now in progress in the East, the real objects have not been the rescue of Herat from Persia, or the substitution of the rightful king of Kabul for a usurper, not the self-sufficiency of strength, nor the ambition of conquest, that has disturbed the peaceful tenor of our Indian administration, and animated it with warlike aspirations,—but dangers, not the less formidable because disguised, to the very existence of our Indian empire. They have been promptly encountered, and, for the time, arrested; but the spirit is not extinct; and as long as we have reason to know that it continues active, although concealed, we must be prepared against its efforts, whether secret or avowed. This state of preparation carries us beyond the sphere to which we have hitherto confined ourselves, and calls for new cares, and imposes additional burthens. The cares,

however, are no more than those incumbent upon our station; they are duties we owe to ourselves and to the secondary states of Asia; and the burthens may well be borne, as lighter in the end than those which the contiguity of Russian authority and influence would infallibly entail.

There is but one other topic to which it may be advisable briefly to advert before closing our present remarks. We have considered it thus far as an Indian question only, but it is an eminently British question also. Is India of such value to Great Britain that its protection from contingent peril should be a national obligation?-should we be justified in hazarding the consequences even of war in Europe for the defence of our Eastern possessions? We cannot imagine any hesitation in the reply. India is of infinite value to Great Britain, considered with reference alone to our commercial and financial prosperity-to the field she offers for the profitable exercise of our national industry-the varied supply she affords of products essential to our manufactures-the consumption of those manufactures by her numerous population-and the immense afflux of capital which she pours annually by different channels into the general wealth of the country. These are considerations sufficiently important to vindicate our putting forth our energies in her defence; but there are others of a still higher description, and we cannot suffer India even to be menaced without compromising our national reputation. National pride, it may be said, and truly, is a very insufficient plea for the certain evils of war; but there is something more in the honour of a nation; and no better safeguard can be found for its independence, no better surety for its unmolested peace, than its known determination at all hazards to maintain its character, and to assert its rights, whensoever and by whomsoever threatened.

INDEX

TO THE

EIGHTH VOLUME OF THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN REVIEW;

OR,

EUROPEAN QUARTERLY JOURNAL.

AFRICA, church of, resists the encroach-
ments of the bishop of Rome, page 9.
Arab mercenaries, their conduct, 182.
Architectural designs, report of the com-
mittee upon, 591.

Arts, false influence attributed to the pa-
tronage of the, 592; good results of at-
tention to the, 594; importance of a
high standard of taste, 595; public
opinion respecting, 595; importance of
the union of artistic knowledge with
the judgement of unprofessional men,
596; importance of established princi-
ples, 599; minor causes of failure in
the, and their remedies, 600; com-
petition in designs, 601; necessity for
the establishment of principles of taste
not founded on caprice or fashion, 603;
indifference to, in England, 604.
Austria, commercial treaty with England,
95; mistrust of, directed against the
western powers, 99; her political posi-
tion, 100; extent of her navigation,
100; her actual commerce, 107; treaty
of Passarowitz, 119; her sole interest
in common with Russia, 199; alliance
of the Danube, 130; defensive alliances,
130; her commerce with Malta, 329;
encroachment of Russia causes alarm
to, 411; her treaty with Greece, 411;
her political interests identical with
those of Europe, 413.

BADEN (Grand Duchy), law of copyright
in, 354.
VOL. VIII.

Bhosla family, rise of their power, 162.
Bishops, their nomination reserved by the
princes to themselves, 13; fatal to the
purity of the church, 13; laws tem-
poral and ecclesiastical enacted in the
same assembly, 13.

British India, its internal condition, 242.
British power, its rise, 230.
Black Sea, commerce of, 112.
Brougham (Lord), his speeches, 490; his
active conduct in political concerns,
491; his motives for joining the liberal
party, 493; 'The Man of his Age,' 496;
belongs to no party, 498; his ideas of
the duties of an advocate, 500; his de-
fence of Queen Caroline, 509; his
speech on Demont's conduct, 510; pas-
sages taken to be 'professional' respect-
ing Bergami, 513; his pretensions to
be the historian of the Queen's case,
517; his speech on the Holy Alliance,
519; his own friends and history, 521;
his speech at Inverness, 524; obliges
Lord Grey to retreat, 528; his speech
at Inverness, and Lord Durham's reply,
530; heads the opponents of his old
friends, 532; conduct in his judicial
capacity, 534; his opinions on the
duties of a chancellor, 536.

CANADA, Winter Studies and Summer
Rambles in, 134.

Canadas, the first British settlers, 286;
British inhabitants at the present day,
287; first cause of vitality to their
provinces, 287; creation of the 'North-
west company,' 288; the 'Voyageurs,
2 U

290; commercial interest in the timber
trade, 291; rates of duty paid on wood,
291; geographical position of the two
provinces, 295; treaty of Paris (1763),
295; petition from the French Cana-
dians, 296; they become subjects of
the king by right of conquest, 298;
exertions to maintain the English laws,
300; the Quebec act, 301; English cri-
minal law introduced into, 302; repre-
sentative assembly conferred, 302; ex-
pected results of dividing the province
of Quebec, 303; impracticability of
giving to our colonies a constitution
similar to that of the parent state, 303;
question of establishing an aristocratic
legislative assembly in, 308; a landed
aristocracy impracticable, 312; analogy
between the House of Commons and
House of Assembly, 316; one class of
people only in our American colonies,
316; necessity of amalgamating the two
races, 319; the provision for a protestant
clergy, 321; act passed on this occa-
sion, 321; responsibility incurred by
English policy towards, 322; epitome
of their misgovernment, 323; effect on
the public mind in, 324; cause of the
rebellion in Lower Canada, 325; union
of the two provinces desirable, and also
the representation of the two races in the
same elective chambers, 326; the legis-
lative council elective, 327.
Charlemagne, no systematic domination

before his reign, 15; empire of, 20;
partition of his empire, 21.
Christianity, its advance after the fall of
the Roman empire, 11; intrinsic force
of, 11; its pure form soon corrupted,
12; benefits conferred on, by St. Augus-
tine, 12; extrinsic appendages to, re-
ceived by converts in Germany and
France, 12; dignity of the sacerdotal
character in Germany, 12.
Chundoo Lall, his power and influence,
171; revenues squandered by, 176;
remonstrances of the Resident, 186.
Coleridge (Samuel Taylor), hisTable

Talk and Literary Remains,' 414;
of his philosophy as a science and sy-
stem, 414; his discursiveness, 419; quits
Cambridge suddenly, 421; mention of
him by Mr. Cottle in his Early Re-
collections,' 421; described by Gilman
and Cottle, 422; his view of different
systems of philosophy, 425; his meta-
physics, 426; extract from his Biogra-
phia, 427; his acquaintance with Mr.
Hazlitt, 429; sails for Hamburgh, 430;
extract from his ' Literary Life,' 431;
reason for his little intercourse with

Germans, 432; first work on his re-
turn to England, 432; engaged by the
editor of the Morning Post, 433; one
result of his visit to Germany, 435; his
addiction to opium, 436; his feelings
described by himself, 438; his visit to
Malta, 439; the Friend' planned at
Grassmere, 440; reflections on his own
exertions, 441; his character of Mr.
Pitt, 442; his lectures at various insti-
tutions, 443; resides in Mr. Gilman's
family, 445.

Copyright bill, Serjeant Talfourd's
speeches on, 334; the public in favour
of, 335; literature a trade, 336; high
claims of genius, 337; M. de Salvandy's
bill, and speech, 341; what the right of
copyright is, 343; Serjeant Talfourd's
new bill, 344; interests, private and
public, in works of lasting merit, 344;
two arguments on the copyright ques-
tion, 345; extent of circulation regu-
lates the price of books, 349; proposed
term of copyright, 350; preamble from
an ordinance of Louis XVI., 351; copy-
right to be considered a privilege, 358.
Cork, considered as a commercial depôt,
259.

Council of Nice, its recognition of the

bishops of Alexandria, Rome, and An-
tioch by the title of patriarchs, 5; the
bishop of Constantinople added by the
Council of Constantinople, and the bi-
shop of Jerusalem by the Council of
Chalcedon, 5.

D..

DANUBE, importance of its navigation to
Austria, 112; attempts of Russia to de-
stroy the navigation on, 116, 410.
De Quincey, his account of Coleridge,
422.
Dudevant (Madame), the works of, 360;
her Venetian Letters,' 371.

EAST India Company, political relations
of, 155; treaties offensive and defensive,
155; comment upon, 158; subsidiary
force made permanent, 191; opium
monopoly by, 203.

Ecclesiastical law, its study of import-

ance with reference to the papal power,
1; circumstances which gave this a pre-
ponderating weight, 2; natural influ-
ence of the clergy, 3; the most import-
ant amongst Christian converts were

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The British and Foreign Review: Or, European Quarterly Journal, Volume 8