west and north-west of Louisiana of some importance, and the boundary was fixed in view of the final extension of the Nation from ocean to ocean. All the islands in the Sabine, Red, and Arkansas Rivers were granted to the United States, and the boundary was extended from the north-west extremity of Louisiana, on the Sabine, to the Red River, and west on that river to the 23d degree from Washington, thence north to the Arkansas and along its course to the 42d degree of north latitude, and thence on that parallel to the Pacific. As the geography of the country was not well known some allowance was made for these descriptions, and especially was it provided wisely, that if the 42d degree was found to be either north or south of the source of the Arkansas, then the boundary extend due west from the source of that river to the Pacific.

This treaty settled the spoliation question between the two governments, and was generally throughout the country hailed as a satisfactory termination of a vexatious foreign relation. It was argued that it put an end to Indian difficulties and wars from foreign influence, and especially was it gratifying to the South as freeing her from similar interference with slavery, and giving her more territory to throw into the political scales. It also settled the disputed western boundary of the Louisiana purchase.

But Spain was not satisfied, and, while not positively declining to ratify the treaty, hesitated and intrigued. The causes of this dallying were not well understood in this country, and were construed as unfavorably as possible to Spain. Then there began to be faults found with the treaty, and after the time

of ratification expired, there was a decided sentiment against any further negotiation with Spain. Indeed, a strong inclination was manifested in favor of the United States taking possession of Florida by force. War with Spain was considered quite probable and altogether justifiable.

On the strength of the President's message, early in the spring of 1820, a bill was presented in Congress authorizing the occupancy of Florida. But, by request of Mr. Monroe, no final action was taken on this bill. England, Russia, and France were pressing Spain to close up the treaty, and at the same time urging this Government to delay any step that would lead to war. A new minister was likewise promised from Spain. In April, 1820, he arrived, and the negotiations were renewed. One of the serious points of complaint on the part of Spain was the position this Government took as to the other Spanish American Colonies. But at last, on all other subjects, Mr. Adams was able to present satisfactory arguments and explanations for the conduct of his Government, and, on the 24th of October, 1820, the treaty was ratified, and, on the 22d of the following February, President Monroe issued his proclamation to that effect.

CHAPTER XVII.

MR. ADAMS WOULD FIX THE BOUNDARY IN THE RIO GRANDE-THE SO-CALLED SURRENDER OF TEXAS— SMALL AFFAIRS AND ETIQUETTE AT THE

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WHITE HOUSE.

GREAT part of the session of the winter of 1818 was taken up with the foreign complications, and the investigation of the conduct of General Jackson. Still provision for the monetary expenditures of the Government were made, and some important measures enacted. Laws were passed for protecting national commerce; for reducing certain import duties; for instructing or civilizing the Indians; for regulating coasting trade; on the 3d of December, 1818, Illinois was admitted as a State into the Union by a resolution of Congress; Alabama was authorized to form a State constitution; and a plan of territorial government was provided for Arkansas.

In 1818, and the following year, a very strong sentiment in some parts of the country was developed against the Bank of the United States, and the matter engaged the attention of Congress to some extent, although the Administration was not in any way involved. In Maryland and Ohio efforts were made to collect taxes from the branch banks, and in the latter State, with a show of legal authority, funds were seized in the vaults of the bank at Chillicothe, to sat

isfy the State tax assessment. And in both States some loud pretensions were made as to the relative and positive sovereignties of the General and State Governments. The Circuit Court in both States decided against these attempts to tax the property of the Bank of the United States. In Congress it was held that the management of the Bank was not satisfactory, and a strong sentiment in favor of investigation was exhibited. Still it does not seem that the feeling in this body at that time looked beyond the mere correction of mismanagement in the directory. In a subsequent volume of this work some account will be given of the war against, and the final overthrow of this vast financial institution.

The purchase of Florida had long been a pet scheme with Mr. Monroe, as it had been the desire of Mr. Jefferson, and he had never relinquished his hope of witnessing this event from the time of his utter failure to accomplish it by negotiation in 1805. According to the Spanish treaty, signed at Washington, on the 22d of February, 1819, the Sabine River was fixed as the western boundary of Louisiana, and the United. States agreed to make good the losses to her citizens. from Spanish spoliations, to the amount of five millions of dollars, a sum to be raised by the sale of Florida lands.

Although the treaty was finally ratified unanimously, it was strongly opposed for a time, its most powerful opponent being Mr. Clay, in the Lower House. One of the most objectionable features of the treaty related to the western boundary. It was claimed that all of the present State of Texas should have been included in the territory granted to the

United States, or rather it was held that the western boundary did extend, under the Louisiana purchase, to the Rio Grande, and that Mr. Adams had submitted to this great loss needlessly. While it was, to all appearances, a great misfortune that the Rio Grande was not maintained as the Mexican border of the Spanish cession, it was a mistake, long persevered in, to hold Mr. Adams responsible for the failure to do So. In this matter he was led, against his own convictions, by the President. Still, the western border was a matter of dispute between the two governments, Spain never having recognized the Rio Grande as the limit of the United States, and the claim set up on this side being poorly founded. There were, perhaps, two reasons which influenced Mr. Monroe and the majority of the members of his Cabinet, especially the Southern members, in declining to press the question of boundary as between the Sabine and the Rio Grande. The first was the known repugnance among Northern politicians to the acquisition of territory which would go to the spread of slavery and the augmentation of its political power in the Union, and the disposition of the Administration to conciliate this sentiment; and the other reason was founded on a stretch of generosity owing to other cessions made by Spain.

Yet, however strong the disposition of some to look upon Texas as then a part of this country, and to view the treaty as really surrendering this vast territory to Spain, it was a mere claim unsettled, and unrecognized by Spain. But the question was far-reaching, and whatever may be said of the causes leading to the Sabine and not the Rio Grande as the south