GREAT BRITAIN.

1786.

DURING these unhappy distractions in Ireland, our attention is called to more agreeable objects by the contemporary transactions in England. The premier continued to avail himself of the present tranquil period to attend to the domestic affairs of the kingdom, and especially such measures as might restore the finances and give energy to the state. His purpose was announced in the speech in which his majesty addressed the house of commons on the assembling of parliament in the month of january; † recommending the establishment of a fixed plan for the reduction of "the national debt."

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Before the means for effecting this were laid before parliament, an affair of a different nature was submitted to its consideration. A plan had been proposed to parliament by the duke of Richmond, in the late session, for strengthening the fortifications of Portsmouth and Plymouth. The committee appointed to investigate the subject having estimated the expence at £.760,000, Mr. Pitt now introduced the measure upon the grounds of its expediency for securing the kingdom by a permanent system of fortification,

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fication, founded on the most economical principles, and thus enabling the fleet to act with full vigour and effect for the protection of our commerce and the support of our distant possessions.-The measure was seen in a very different light, by others, from that in which the premier represented it. Mr. Sheridan, who distinguished himself in the debate, opposed it vehemently, not only on the grounds of the great expence which must attend it, but as inimical to the constitution, on account of the additional military force that would be required, should a system of defence so inconsistent with our circumstances as a naval power be pursued; since the same arguments which were brought in support of the present measure would recommend the fortification of every other port. "These strong holds,"

said he, "maintained by numerous and disciplined garrisons, would afford "tenfold the means of curbing and subduing the country as would arise from

doubling the present military establishment."-His sentiments were ably supported by several other members. So strong was the opposition, that, in a very full house, the votes were equally divided; 169 appearing on each side that of the speaker was decisive against the motion. "

The grand business of the session was soon after brought forward by the premier. It appearing from a report of a committee appointed to investigate the public income and expenditure that the average of the former exceeded that of the latter by £.900,000, and that this might be increased to one million by means in no wise burthensome to the people, he moved, "that the sum of one million be annually granted to certain commissioners, "to be by them applied to the purchase of stock, towards discharging the "public debt of the country." The accumulated compound interest of this sum, together with the annuities which would fall into that fund, would, he said, in twenty-eight years, amount to such a sum as would leave a surplus of four millions annually, to be applied if necessary to the exigencies of the state. The good policy of the measure was universally assented to; and but little difference of opinion appeared respecting the manner of carrying it into execution. The ill effects of an enormous public debt on our manufactures, in raising the price of the necessaries of life, having been already felt, all party prejudices gave way to a per

suasion of the expediency and even necessity of reducing it; and the motion was carried without a division, d

In pursuance of this salutary plan of increasing the national revenue in a manner most advantageous to the public, Mr. Pitt then proposed a bill for transferring certain duties on wine from the customs to the excise.The obvious expediency of this being such as to overbalance the difficulties apprehended in the execution of it, and the objections which had ever been made to an extension of the excise, the measure met with general approbation, and the bill passed without a division. "

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The affairs of India had, in the mean-time, engaged some share of the attention of the legislature. In consequence of a motion by Mr. Dundas, a bill was passed for amending that proposed by Mr. Pitt in 1784 for regulating the government of the East India company. The offices of commander in chief and governor-general were, by this act, united, in the same person; and he was invested with the right of deciding in opposition to the sense of the majority of the council. Happily for the immediate interests of the state as well as the company, the earl of Cornwallis was called to this important station; a nobleman whose character of integrity and moderation quieted, at present, the apprehensions entertained of the evils that might be expected to arise from the possession of such arbitrary

power.

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This was a measure which could not but interest every one who was likely to be affected by the good or bad conduct of affairs in India. But the proceedings at this time commenced against Mr. Hastings, as governor-general of Bengal, was an affair in which the whole nation felt themselves concerned. Mr. Burke had pledged himself to become his accuser, soon after his return from India, in the late year. He had since been challenged to execute his threat by major Scott, a friend of the governor: and he now came forward to perform his engagement to the public. Having, to avoid the odium arising from such an accusation, previously shewn the necessity of punishing public delinquency, and descanting on the maleadministration of the East India company's affairs, he declared his resolution to bring an impeachment against him; and demanded as preparatory to it, copies

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copies of all correspondence between the governor and the court of directors since the month of january 1782, in order that he might be able to substantiate his charges. Most of those letters being granted him, he proceeded on the fourth of april, to charge Warren Hastings, esq. late governor-general of Bengal, with high crimes and misdemeanors in the execution of his office, and exhibited twenty-two articles of accusation.— Due time having been allowed the party accused, by his own express desire, he was heard in his own defence. -After that, the two first charges were discussed, and evidence was heard on them. One of these related to his conduct in the Rohilla war, in which he was acquitted. The other concerned his deposition of the rajah of Benares, which was declared to contain matter of impeachment against him. "-The proceedings on this trial were broken off by the prorogation of parliament, † which was done by a speech from his majesty in person, expressing his great satisfaction at the business of the session, and at the prosperous state of the national trade and manufactures, and declaring his willingness to concur in any measures to promote them.

These parliamentary and judicial proceedings were followed by some political transactions of considerable importance.-The first of these was a convention signed with the crown of Spain, the chief purpose of which was to define the boundaries of those countries in Spanish America, in which the English are entitled to certain privileges respecting the cutting of logwood, fishing, and other matters.

A more important transaction was the treaty of commerce and navigation concluded, at this time, with France. In the discussion of this measure in the ensuing session, the objections made to it, on the grounds of the loss apprehended to our woollen and cotton manufactures and our revenue, were controverted and overpowered by the arguments brought in recommendation of it from the mutual wants of each country, and the advantage which England would have in exchanging manufactures that would employ a great number of hands, for the natural produce of France which would employ but few. And the validity of these reasonings were soon evinced by the consequences of the treaty; the English manufacturers deriving

great emolument from it, till the revolution in France put an end to all profitable intercourse with that country.

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HOLLAND.

THE stadtholder's retreat did not restore tranquillity to the provinces; nor were the other parties which divided the states disposed to submit to that power which the aristocrats of Holland had so boldly assumed. Each party continued to pursue its original object; the aristocrats, to make advantage of the prince's absence in the execution of their designs against his authority; the democrats, to avail themselves of the influence which they felt themselves possessed of by assuming a share in the government of the towns; which, had they succeeded, would have eventually amounted to a revolution in the constitution of the states. Whilst the prince's friends, although they could not but be discouraged by his departure, continued to maintain his interests. Incensed at the late proceedings of the states of Holland, this party, whose chiefs were men of landed property, finding that they had a considerable portion of the populace on their side, formed themselves into the corps d'Orange in his support.

The states of Holland, as if to shew the world that they were determined to destroy even the vestiges of the prince's power, and to brave all opposition, asserted a right to enter the Hague, in solemn procession,† through a gate which had been opened to the stadtholder only on public days. The people beheld this triumph of the aristocrats with indignation; but were prevented from resisting by the troops which attended. But when the pensionary of Dort would have returned that way, the populace, resenting the insult shewn the stadtholder by an individual, gave a loose to their fury; and a riot ensued, which was at last suppressed by the interposition of the troops. An inquiry into the origin of the tumult was then made by the council committee; and, on evidence that the corps d'Orange was concerned in it, that body of men was abolished.*

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+ March 15.

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History of United States. 173.

Dissension