establish at the Collége de Clermont, formally con the theolo of the sion from the following century, marked the advance of Tilly'. In Paris, CHAP. IV. which they necessarily looked upon as an all-important centre, They they very early succeeded in establishing their footing at the themselves Collége de Clermont. The university, which had not as yet in Paris. been overtaken by the desolation which followed upon the civil wars, was however as keenly alive to the dangers of a proselytising fraternity and novel teaching as in the days of William St Amour, and so early as the year 1554, the theo- The Order is logical faculty had already placed on record their deliberate demned by censure of the new order as tending by its activity to disturb gical faculty the peace of the Church and to subvert the conception of the University. monastic life. Eventually indeed Paris succeeded in bring- Their expuling about their expulsion, just as she had once succeeded in University. excluding the teachers of the civil law, but her triumph turned signally to her own loss. The undeniable merits of the new teaching,-the unselfish devotion of its professors, the excellence of their manuals of instruction (especially when contrasted with the antiquated text-books still used in the Catholic universities), and the rapid progress made by their pupils, were patent to all educated minds and won the approval even of Protestant communities. The great majority of the middle-class youth who had before flocked to Paris were consequently gradually attracted to the provinces, where the colleges of the Jesuits now rose in rapid succession Rapid rise throughout France-at Toulouse, Bordeaux, Auch, Agen, Colleges Rhodez, Perigueux, Limoges, Le Puy, Aubenas, Beziers, and France, Tournon, in Flanders and Lorraine, places,' observes Mr the Univer Pattison, 'beyond the jurisdiction of the parlement of Paris, or even of the crown of France. The banishment of the 1 Hautz, Gesch. d. Univ. Heidelberg, 11 162. 2.Quod nova illa societas, insolitam nominis Jesu appellationem sibi vindicans, videtur in negotio fidei periculosa, pacis ecclesiae perturba. tiva, monasticae religionis eversiva, et magis in destructionem quam in aedificationem.' Jourdain, Hist. de l'Univ. de Paris, &c. Index Chartarum, no. 1863, p. 366: see also Bulaeus, vi 572. So Whitaker, master of St John's, writing in 1588, of the Jesuit throughout greatly to sity of Paris. CHAP. IV. Society of Jesus from the district of Paris had been by arrêt of the parlement of Paris alone, and had never been confirmed by the crown. Lyons loudly demanded a Jesuit college, and even the Huguenot Lesdiguières, almost King in Dauphiné, was preparing to erect one in Grenoble. Amiens, Reims, Rouen, Dijon, Bourges, were only waiting a favourable opportunity to introduce the Jesuits within their walls'.' The Jesuits acquire the the English College at Rome. It was at Rome, however, that the Jesuit teaching appears control of to have gained its first English converts, and the ingenuous and inexperienced youth of the English college afforded an easy conquest'. A brief and ineffectual opposition was offered indeed by Lewis, Chenock and others in whose hands the direction of the college had been originally vested, and the struggle is to be noted as one of the earliest instances of that bitter rivalry and warfare,-a feature over which both the contending parties have sought to draw a veil,—that now began to be waged between the new order and the secular Catholic clergy3. If we may credit Sachinus, the Celtic element in the college sided with their original teachers, while the 'Saxons,' as they were styled by the opposite party, espoused the cause of the new-comers. But in the end, the adroit blandishments of Aggazzari, father Holt, and others, completely prevailed and the Jesuits succeeded in altogether ousting their opponents and in gaining the entire control of dations, also the college and its revenues". Other foun under Jesuit management, for the edu Among other foundations for the purpose of affording an cation of the education to the English Catholic, that founded at Valladolid in 1590°, that at Seville in 15927, and that at St Omer in English Catholics abroad. 1 Life of Isaac Casaubon, p. 181. For my part,' writes poor young Haddock (in the letter quoted above, p. 256, n. 1), 'I do promise him very hardly the friendship of any Catholic Englishman, that proclaimeth himself enemy unto the Jesuits; '—language which sufficiently shews how the English youth had been won over. 3 I am indebted to Dr Jessopp for some valuable suggestions with reference to this feature in the early history of Jesuitism. 4 Historia Societatis Jesu, iii 1; vii 1; Ranke, History of England, 1 294. See the different accounts in Appendix to Dodd, Church Hist. п cccxlvi-ccclxxviii; also John Gerard's account of his experiences at the college in his Life by Morris pp. 25-273. 6 More, Hist. Prov. Anglic. pp. 156--159; Dodd, Church Hist., II 176, n. 1. 7 More, Ibid. pp. 161-163; Dodd, Ibid. Append. no. lxii. 1594, owed their origin to the exertions of Robert Parsons, CHAP. IV. the inspiring genius of the Jesuit order in England. Of these the last-named long continued to be favourably distinguished by its excellent discipline and by the success with which its teachers communicated to their scholars the acquirement of an accurate and elegant Latin scholarship. close Influence of these new the centres upon the subse in- quent history On the important results that followed upon this conjunction of the aggressive spirit of Jesuitism with forlorn hopes of the exiled English Catholics, and the fluence thus gained by the new order over the minds of men in whose breasts the consciousness of expatriation and a sense of wrong were ever brooding, it is almost superfluous here to insist. It was at these centres that those sinister designs were nurtured and those plots devised which for more than a century continued to disturb the civic peace of England and were the bane of her political life. It was thither that the English Catholic looked for the accomplishment of what he most desired'; it was thence that the English Protestant anticipated whatever he most dreaded. Thence came the fierce appeals which most effectively stimulated the Catholic party at home to resistance and rebellion. Thither went forth the funds, the sympathy, and the loyal feeling which under happier guidance might have been gathered into the common stock of English piety and English patriotism. There were composed the tracts, the dissertations, the histories, which, with a malice that knew no mercy and a mendacity that recognised no law save that of expediency, defamed the 6 Et vos quos celeberrima Gregorii Papae seminaria Romae et Rhemis alunt, patriae nostrae nutantis jam et ad interitum inclinantis subsidium et spes.' Hide, Epist. consol. ad afflictos Catholicos, Douay Diaries, p. 160. 2 Note the expression of Sander: 'fingunt eos, multa in necem reginae Romae Rhemisque machinatos.' de Origine Schismatis (ed. 1585), p. 191. The college' (at Douay and Rheims), says Dr. Knox, 'was in fact a centre of influence affecting in manifold ways the fortunes of the whole Catholic body whether in Eng- 3 It is incredible,' says Fuller, of England. CHAP. IV. characters and aspersed the motives of all who aided the English Reformation or built up the union of the Church and the Crown'. Apparent success of policy, It does not appear that Whitgift or any member of his Whitgift's party was troubled with much misgiving as to the ultimate Judged by its results of a policy which was driving forth from the univerCambridge sity and from the country so many able and learned men, results at Puritan as well as Catholic. Firmly convinced in his own mind that Parker's vigorous measures had been rendered necessary by the exigencies of the times, the master of Trinity was fully resolved to sustain those measures, and even to carry them to further lengths. Already, indeed, judged by their more obvious results at Cambridge, they might appear to have been dictated by a just appreciation of circumstances. The tree thus sharply pruned was giving promise of greater fruitfulness; and the growing numbers of the university had been accompanied by a considerable increase in the supply of those competent to preach. In marked contrast to the testimony given ten years before, we find Ri. Cox and Richard Cox, bishop of Ely, stating in a letter to Bullinger both testify in 1568, that there is an 'abundant crop of pious young men' crease in the in the two universities; and Whitgift, in a letter to Parker written only a few months before the death of the archbishop, says that Cambridge alone had turned out fully 450 competent preachers since the beginning of Elizabeth's reign. It serves to illustrate the unfairness and misrepresentation too common among the Puritan writers of the period, that we find an eminent member of the party, writing at almost exactly the same time as Whitgift, asserting, much in the Remarkable same depreciatory spirit as Sander, that for some years past statement of the two universities had scarcely produced 'one really well qualified preacher.' Such is the declaration of Walter Whitgift to the in number of competent preachers. counter Walter Travers. 1 Berington in the Introduction to his Life of Gregorio Panzani (pp. 21– 26) deprecates the endeavours of the Catholic party at this period to found centres of education abroad, inasmuch as, he says, those educated there imbibed an ultramontane spirit which exposed them to yet greater persecution in England and rendered their toleration by a Protestant ruler impossible. See supra, p. 170. 3 Zürich Letters (1), p. 208. 4 Strype, Life of Parker, bk. iv, c. 34. tion of the colleges at Travers, who as a fellow of Trinity College had enjoyed CHAP. IV. opportunities of observation not much inferior to those of the master himself. The passage occurs in the course of a gloomy and morose description of the state of Oxford and Cambridge at that time which he takes occasion to insert in his bestknown treatise, the Ecclesiasticae Disciplinae Explicatio, which first appeared in 1574, and of which we shall hear more anon. He pictures to himself the original founders of His descripthe different colleges, and more especially the royal founder state of the of his own college, looking down on earth, and deploring the this time. present condition of those societies which their pious munificence had first called into existence, but in which they would now, he affirms, be able to recognise only-'the haunts of drones, the abodes of sloth and luxury; monasteries whose inmates yawn and snore, rather than colleges of students; trees, not merely sterile, but diffusing a deadly miasma all around.' It is deserving of note that he describes the two universities as 'set on fire by causes most trivial in themselves,' but bereft, as the result, of many good and eminent men and of their most pious and scholarly students, while the Church herself was 'disappointed of her long-hoped-for desire'.' It does not however appear to occur to him that, if the original grounds of dispute were thus 'trifling,' all the more blame must attach to Cartwright (who himself had not disdained to 1 The whole passage from this somewhat rare book well deserves quotation: Quid si illum, tanquam Herculem, in heroum numerum ultimum in hunc senatum relatum, Henricum octavum, qui caeterorum nomine (quod postremus sit) cum Academiis agere possit: quid illi responderent conquerenti, quae ad bonarum litterarum honesta studia amplissime et munificentissime collata essent, ad otium luxumque converti apium alveos in fucorum latibula: oscitantium et stertentium monasteria haec esse non studiosorum collegia? arbores non modo steriles, sed etiam succrescentibus plantis pestifera quadam umbra noxias in iis locis esse, quae illi pretiosissimorum fruc tuum pomaria et τιμιωτάτων φυτών |