CHAP. IV. impression upon the library, and the lists, which might have preserved to us the memory of our benefactors, have long since disappeared....At this point we find two fresh instances. of Dr Perne's anxiety for the library. In the vice-chancellor's accounts for 1584- -5, is a payment "for a carte to bring certayne written bookis from Peter howse to the schooles, gyven by Mr Dr Perne to the librarye," and also "for twoe that did helpe to lade and unlade the same." Perne also bequeathed to the library all the old doctors and historians in written hand in parchment or paper that he had at Cambridge or Ely. These two gifts,' continues Mr Bradshaw, from the very terms in which they are described, must have been something very considerable; and it is not unlikely that about a hundred volumes of MSS., which certainly came to the library between 1575 and 1600, but which have hitherto lain unclaimed, are to be put down to Perne's munificence. Among them is an eighth-century copy of the Latin Gospels, which of itself would deserve a special commemoration. 'Between these two last dates, in 1586, the books had accumulated to such an extent that Rotherham's library must have been quite unable to hold them. A grace was passed to restore the Regius Divinity School (the original Common Library) to its former use, and the room was again adapted to the use of the library at a cost of more than £125. In 1591 Dr Lorkin died and left his medical books to the university; 1 Cooper, Athenae, 11 47-48. 2 The following extract, from the panegyric already quoted, points to other benefactions which Perne was instrumental in procuring for the library: Ejus industria et petitione ornatissimi viri, Dominus Mathaeus Parker, archiepiscopus Cantuariensis, centum: Dominus Nicholaus Bacon, nobilissimus heros et miles, magni sigilli Angliae custos, nonaginta quatuor: Reverendus Pater et Dominus Robertus Horne, episcopus Winton. (praeter quaedam aenea admirandae pulchritudinis et formae ad usum et ornatum reipublicae nostrae data pondera) quinquaginta : Do minus Jacobus Pilkington, episcopus Dunelmensis, viginti: Dominus Richardus Barnes, ejusdem sedis episcopus, decem: Dominus Gulielmus Chaderton, episcopus Cestrensis, quatuor et Dominus Georgius Gardiner, ecclesiae cathedralis Nordovicensis decanus, octo eximia rarae disciplinae volumina, universitatis nostrae publicae bibliothecae (quorundam hominum negligentia, et temporis iniquitate tunc tantum non fato suo functae) quo sic labentibus bonis litteris et studiis succurrerent, contulere.' Baker MSS. xxIx 183. The existing catalogues give the names of all these books. and 1598 lord Lumley sent, as stated above, a number of CHAP. IV. duplicates from his library, many of which had belonged to archbishop Cranmer and have his autograph "Thomas Cantuarien" at the beginning. Lord Burghley is also said to have given books'. This period closes in 1600 with the publication of the Ecloga of Thomas James, Bodley's first librarian. It is a list of all the manuscripts in the university and college libraries, and in default of documents of our own, it is interesting to learn here the progress which had been made in our collection of manuscripts between 1573 and 1600. It at this time contained 260 volumes, and the chief source of dissatisfaction is that for the greater part of them we can only conjecture to whom we are indebted. It is quite possible that further search, especially at Peterhouse, might bring to light some documents which would shew more clearly the position which Perne is entitled to hold in our recollection as the restorer of the library in the sixteenth century'.' care. John Overall professor Richard The task of selecting successors to the two posts rendered Election of vacant by Whitaker's death demanded more than ordinary to the Regius Eventually, John Overall, fellow of Trinity, afterwards ship. bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, a divine of less pronounced sympathies with Calvinistic doctrine and the Puritan party, was appointed to the Regius professorship; while Richard Election of Clayton, a former fellow of St John's, but now master of Clayton to Magdalene, returned to rule over the society of which he had once been a member. It cannot be said that in this capacity he in any way sustained the reputation of his predecessor; Baker, indeed, implies that the college declined perceptibly in learning under his rule; but the fellows, who Clayton the master ship of St John's: 22 a royal nominee. a master. CHAP. IV. Would have much preferred to elect Dr Playferee of their own body, might console themselves with the reflexion that, in this instance, the interference of the Crown His merits as had left them practically no choice'. Nor was the new master altogether wanting in fitness for his post. He was regarded with special favour by Elizabeth and was a man of some practical talent; while his memory is perpetuated in the college by the fact that it is indebted to his exertions for The enlarge- the erection of its noble second court'. 'It was Mr Bois' ment of the college accompanied in numbers. observation,' says Baker, 'that about this time, as the college by a decline begun to rise in buildings, so it declined in learning; which was certainly very true, for the master not long after his coming hither having brought them the agreeable news of a new court, they were so overjoyed or so overbusied with architecture, that their other studies were intermitted and the noise of axes and hammers disturbed them in their proper business. The same person observes that under Dr Whitaker the society flourished most in learning, insomuch that they were then so crowded that one court was hardly able to contain the crowd, and therefore it was a very laudable design to provide more room, had they, whilst the second court was going up, taken equal care to preserve their numbers; the fault was that whilst they provided for room they did not want it.' The qualities which characterised Playfere were certainly 1 Baker-Mayor, p. 190. 2 It is when contrasting Dr Clayton's merits with those of his successor, Owen Gwyn, that Baker makes his somewhat surprising declaration in favour of crown appointments as preferable to elections by the fellows: To say nothing,' he observes, 'of the factions and divisions that might be avoided by such a course, it is but too evident that the crown usually makes better masters than colleges choose: the one sends governors, the others choose such as will be governed, at least such with whom they can be easy, or that will not sit too hard upon them. And whoever impartially views most of our elections, will I believe observe that good nature and a sociable temper are generally made the first ingredients in a master.' Ibid. p. 199. He further observes, however, that Clayton did not leave so much as one book to the library to preserve his memory, a usual respect even from those that have done least for the college.' 'I have often observed,' he adds, that they that have profited most by the college have done the least for it when they come to die, being willing, it seems, to make a gift of what they leave, rather than bestow it where it may be thought a debt.' Ibid. pp. 197 and 196. 3 John Bois, the Greek scholar, and one of the translators of the Bible: see supra, p. 340. 4 Baker-Mayor, pp. 190-1. PLAYFERE d. elected lady professor in Peter Baro: stances that retirement. f a kind that better became a college Head. He was dis- CHAP. IV. inguished as an eloquent preacher1 and also as having at his THOMAS ommand a singularly graceful and correct Latin style, and 1561. is acquirements in this latter respect obtained for him in the course of his career a compliment which to many will perhaps seem to outweigh all his other claims to distinction, -a request from Francis Bacon that he would render the Advancement of Learning into Latin. It was not long before Playfere Playfere was in some measure compensated for being passed Margaret over in the election to the mastership of St John's, by his the place of appointment as successor to Peter Baro in the lady Margaret Dec. 1596. professorship; but the manner in which the vacancy of that circumchair had been brought about is a far from creditable episode led to Baro's in Cambridge history. Within a few weeks after Whitaker's death, Baro had ventured, when preaching at St Mary's, to His sermon criticise the Lambeth Articles, with all the authority that 12 Jan. 1596, attached to his long labours as a scholar, and all the vantage sequences. conferred by his position as a professor. His observations were conceived in no captious spirit, but rather with the design of justifying his acceptance of the new formula and of explaining the construction which he placed upon its doctrine. The Calvinistic party, flushed with their recent victory, were however incensed at his presumption, for his discourse was looked upon by them as an attempt to re-open a controversy which they fondly hoped had been set at rest for ever. Although it was the Christmas vacation, and but few of the Heads were in Cambridge, the vice-chancellor, Roger Goad, felt himself under the necessity, after a consultation with one or two of their number, of communicating with Whitgift concerning this breach of the peace of the at St Mary's and its con Opposed CHAP. IV. university.' Within two days of the delivery of his sermon, Baro had himself become so far conscious of the dissatisfaction occasioned by his utterances, that he deemed it expedient to defend his conduct in a letter to Whitgift, and eventually to seek a personal interview. His appeal, however, was fruitless. His 'troublesome course of contending' seemed to the archbishop without excuse; even his nationality was brought forward as an aggravation of his offence', although, as Strype, with unwonted acuteness, observes, the doctrine which he had combated was at least equally foreign; and the archbishop was too definitely pledged to the defence of the new Articles to be able to entertain any proposition which involved their reconsideration or modification. He could consequently only advise that the academic authorities should make Baro's orthodoxy Whitgift and a subject of strict investigation and then further report to him in the matter. Baro was accordingly forthwith cited, like Barret, before the vice-chancellor and Heads, and required to produce the manuscript of his sermon, while he was peremptorily forbidden to enter upon further discussion of the doctrine involved in the Lambeth Articles. It is probable that the authorities would have proceeded to yet harsher measures, had not a further reference of the matter to the chancellor revealed the fact that Baro, though representing only a small minority, was not altogether without sympathisers and friends. Burghley himself, who had from the first expressed his disapproval of the Lambeth Articles, gave it as his opinion, and that too with an emphasis unusual in his cautious utterances, that Baro had been too rigorously opinions of Burghley. 16 - how unfit it was that he, being a stranger, and receiving such courtesy and friendship here of goodwill, and not for any need we had of him (God be thanked), should be so busy in another commonwealth, and make himself as it were author of new stirs and contentions in this Church.' Abstract of letter from Whitgift to Roger Goade, 13 Jan. 1596 (N. S.). Strype, Whitgift, bk. iv, c. 17. 2 Baro appears to have had sympathisers at Court: Strype says, But forasmuch as there was something ado there [i. e. at London, and at the Court it seems] about the said propositions, &c., the archbishop would not have them, as he added, to proceed to any determination against him, until they had advertised him of his answer,' etc. Strype, Ibid. Both Heylin (Presbyterians, p. 344) and Sir Philip Warwick (Memoires, p. 86) concur in asserting that Elizabeth and Burghley evinced such displeasure at the Lambeth Articles that, in the words of the latter, soon after a copie of them was scarse to be found in Cambridge.' |