such as no House of Commons could fail in pronouncing CHAP. VI. unconstitutional. If in some places the author took pains to state that he did not put forth these opinions as unquestionable truths, he left no doubt in the minds of his readers to which side his own ideas inclined. Thus, after declaring that he left it for wiser men to decide whether it was binding upon the King to require the consent of Parliament to the enactment of laws, he asserted that the King of England was undoubtedly an absolute King, and proceeded to quote authorities in support of the doctrine that to make laws was part of the prerogative of such a King. In another place he stated this opinion still more forcibly. "Of these two," he wrote, "one must needs be true, that either the King is above the Parliament, that is, the positive laws of his kingdom, or else that he is not an absolute King...... And, therefore, though it be a merciful policy, and also a politic mercy (not alterable without great peril), to make laws by consent of the whole realm, because so no one part shall have cause to complain of a partiality, yet simply to bind a prince to or by those laws were repugnant to the nature and constitution of an absolute monarchy." In a similar spirit, he put it forth as an opinion held by some, "that subsidies were granted by Parliament in consideration of the King's goodness in waiving his absolute power to make laws without their consent." expresses his tion. 'The Commons requested the Lords to join them in call- King James ing the King's attention to the Book. Before, however, the disapprobaLords had time to take any steps in the matter, they were told by Salisbury that the King had summoned Cowell before him, and that he wished him' [Salisbury] 'to inform the Commons that he was much displeased with the book;-he considered that it impugned the Common Law of England and the fundamental grounds of the constitution of Parliament, and that in opposing the prerogative to the law the author had attacked both King and Parliament together'.' As the final result, Cowell's volume, to the great satisfac- The volume tion of the Commons, was suppressed by royal proclamation by royal 1 Gardiner, Hist. of England, 11 66–68. suppressed proclama tion. CLEMENT master CHAP. VI. on the 25 March 1610. Neither the author nor his patron long survived this mortification and the blow thus inflicted on the cause they had so much at heart. Bancroft died in the following November, and Cowell on the 11 October 1611'. The latter was succeeded in the mastership of Trinity Hall by Clement Corbet who continued to hold the office until 1626, but in that year, having been appointed chancellor of Norwich, resigned in favour of his friend Dr Eden. Dr Eden, who was Gresham professor and also represented the university in parliament, did his best to restore the discipline of the society and instituted an annual Commemoration of Benefactors. But the college shared in the general depression of the study which it was designed to foster, and the comparative absence of eminent names on its rolls throughout the century is remarkable. In 1672, with a total of only 68, it stood lowest of the sixteen foundations. THOMAS EDEN, master 1626-45. JOHN OVERALL master of St Catherine's Hall, 1598-1607. The society which, in 1617, held that lowly place, was graced for a time by the presence of one who in respect of character and abilities was not inferior to any Head in Cambridge. John Overall had originally been a member of St John's College, but when his patron, Dr Still, was appointed to preside over the society at Trinity, he followed him thither. In the year 1596, he succeeded to the chair of the Regius professorship of divinity, and two years later was elected to the mastership of St Catherine's. He resigned both appointments in 1607; and in his latter days, amid his duties as bishop of Lichfield and Coventry, and afterwards of Norwich, took but a small share in university movements. None of his contemporaries, however, left behind them in academic circles a deeper impression of varied capacity and Testimony of luminous intelligence. Williams, no contemptible judge, his skill as considered it to have been his greatest advantage at Camdisputatioing bridge that he learned from Overall the true method of Williams to a theologian 1 Allen, Lives, etc. II 386. 2 Liber Actorum et Rerum Memorabilium Aulae Trin. Cant. [MS. (S. 48) in the library of St John's College]. 3 In the year 1672, St Catherine's numbered 156, or more than double the total at Trinity Hall; this prosperity however was especially due to the reputation and efforts of the eminent Lightfoot, master from 1650 to 1675. 4 Baker-Mayor, p. 259. Baker to his ability. conducting theological controversies. 'I asked him on a CHAP. VI. time,' says his biographer, 'what it was that pleased him in Dr Overal above all others whom he heard to handle determinations of divine points in a scholastical form? He gave me this answer: because, first, Dr Overal was used to prove his conclusion out of two or three texts of Scripture at the most, and no more, being such places upon whose right interpretation the judgement of the cause did chiefly depend: secondly, that above all men that ever he heard, he did most pertinently quote the Fathers, both to the right sense of their phrase, which few did understand, and out of those their treatises wherein especially they handled the cause for which he appealed unto them'. Overall, says another critic, not and of wont to praise lightly, 'was great in every way, being a man general of brilliant talents, tenacious memory, and sound judgement, combined with surprising originality and power of expression; while whatever he had conceived and designed he carried into execution with remarkable dexterity and promptitude"." Perhaps however there is no stronger proof of the estimation Other in which Overall was held at Cambridge than the fact of his of his conelection to the Regius chair, notwithstanding the manner in reputation. which he had so recently opposed the prevailing religious intolerance, in defence of Peter Baro3. When Casaubon visited England, he was for a short time Overall's guest, and of no one does he appear to have formed a more favorable impression. If we add that Overall was the tutor of Essex, the friend of lord Brooke, and the discerning patron of John Cosin; that he wrote against Nicholas Sander on the one hand, and carried on a controversy with De Dominis on the other, and that he compiled a treatise on ecclesiastical law and the privileges and rights of Convocation, which, after 1 Hacket, Life of Archbishop Williams, i 10-11. 2 Baker-Mayor, p. 259. 3 Supra, p. 349. Baker says: 'Juvenis admodum venit in amicitiam Petri Baronis, indeque didicit de decretis divinis modeste sentire et caute loqui; mediam iniit viam, progressurus forte ulterius, nisi Ba ronis vestigia deterruissent.' Cata- 4 Casauboni Epist., pp. 365, 366. 6 See Smith (T.) Vitae, praef. p. viii. evidence temporary CHAP. VI. long slumbering in manuscript, was deemed by archbishop Sancroft deserving of publication', we shall have said sufficient to shew that the master of St Catherine's, though last in our present enumeration of the Heads, must have held a foremost place in the estimation of his contemporaries. ed Heads who were also pro university. The decisive influence exercised at this period by those who presided over the sixteen Cambridge colleges, is indicated by the general fact that scarcely any movement of importance is unassociated with the names of one or more of their number. Distinguish. It is also deserving of note that six of the most distinguished members of the body,-Overall, Cowell, Davenant, Richardfessors in the son, Samuel Ward, and Samuel Collins',-also held chairs in the university, a consideration which undoubtedly tends to diminish the force of Sir William Hamilton's theory of a direct antagonism between the Heads and the professoriate. Distinguish If indeed we except the names of Edward Lively, who was Regius professor of Hebrew from 1580 to 1605,-of Thomas Playfere, who filled the lady Margaret chair, as successor to Peter Baro, from 1596 to 1609,-and of Andrew Downes, who was professor of Greek from 1585 to 1625,-there are no names of professors of distinguished eminence in the first quarter of the seventeenth century who were not also college heads. ed professors EDWARD Hebrew, 1575-1605. Of the three just named, Edward Lively, the professor of professor of Hebrew, formerly a disciple of the famous Drusius, was brought into special notice, a few months before his death, by the prominent part which it was proposed to assign him in connexion with the new translation of the Bible. His previous career had been one of a kind with which the history of learning makes us only too familiar, but it would be difficult to point to any Cambridge scholar at once so meritorious and yet receiving such niggardly reward from fortune. Edward Lively was a man of unimpeachable morality and of exemplary prudence. But he was married 1 Hunt, Hist. of Religious Thought, I 121; the best account of Overall is contained in the Rev. H. Pigot's History of Hadleigh, 1860. 2 Provost of King's from 1615 to 1644, Regius professor of divinity, 1617 to 1651. Collins' career belongs mainly to a later period than that treated in the present chapter. never Trinity description of his necessitous and was the father of a large family, for whose maintenance CHAP. VI. his stipend as professor of Hebrew was barely adequate. For some years he had held a fellowship at Trinity, but his Fellow of fellowship was of course vacated by his marriage; and a re- 1570-1878. commendation in his behalf for the deanery of Peterborough, made by Whitgift in 1584, had not been successful. The difficulties of his position were still further enhanced by a harassing law-suit in which he had become involved; so that, to quote the quaintly pathetic language of his brother professor, 'he led a life which in a manner was nothing els but Playfere's a continuall flood of waters. Never out of suits of law, ceasing disquieters of his studie. His goods distrained, and condition. his cattele driven off his ground, as Job's was. His deere, being not so well able to beare so great a flood as he, even for verie sorrow presently died. A lamentable and ruefull case". There was at this time, at St John's, a Welsh lad, whose comely features, high-spirited, generous nature, and diligence as a student were already winning him the good will of all whose favorable opinion was worth having. The wits of the college quizzed him, indeed, for his strong Celtic accent, but this defect John Williams soon managed to overcome, and was afterwards even noted for the purity of his pronunciation. One day it became known in St John's Generous that the poor professor of Hebrew was in sore straits, and towards had even been compelled to part with a portion of his library. the part of This was more than the warm-hearted young Welshman, who reverenced learning and was a diligent attendant at Lively's lectures, could hear of unmoved. He forthwith collected the sum of three pounds, and carried it to his teacher. Lively's poverty rather than his will consented, but his gratitude overflowed. For some time, he could talk only of his young benefactor's generosity; so that, to quote the language of the narrator, 'it was much noised that so little a hand did 1 The Felicitie of the Faithful: a funerall Sermon preached in S. Maries, 10 May, 1605: see pp. 195 -237 of Nine Sermons preached by that eloquent Divine of famous Me morie, Tho: Playfere, Doctor in Di- conduct Lively on John Williams. |