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That do her best she can't
Give her a solemn face;
She'll scold and rate and fume,
And lecture hour by hour,
Until she makes the very room
Look passionate and sour-

But still, it will not do:
Soon as the sermon's done,
The fairy blooms anew,
Like a violet in the sun.

I cannot damp her mirth-
I cannot check her play:
Little of bliss there is on earth-
Ah, let it have full sway.

I asked her vesternight,
Why, when prayer was made,
Her brow of happy light
Could never change to shade.
"Father!" she said, "you love
Better to see me glad.

And so I thought the Christ above
Would grieve to see me sad."

P. H. H.


Proud of the free institutions under which, in less than the ordinary life time of an individual, they have attained a place in the first ranks of nations,—an extent of territory transcending that of Aucient Rome,-a degree of social comfort and general well-being unapproached in the world's History,—a development of resources and a boldness and magnitude of application to the service of man of the achievements of modern art and sciences not elsewhere to be witnessed; and thoroughly imbued with faith in man's capacity and right to determine the rules by which he shall guide his intercourse and conduct in society and the State, the people of this Republic could but regard with profound sympathy the uprising of the masses in Europe which characterized the year 1848. In those movements were beheld the reflex of our own system and a recognition of its fitness to a people's true position in the civilized state. With none of those popular demonstrations, however, did our people

*1. PAGET'S HUNGARY AND TRANSYLVANIA. With Remarks on their Condition, Social, Political and Economical.*

2. THE WAR IN HUNGARY. By Max Schlesingen, 2 vols. London, 1850.

3. THE HUNGARIAN CAMPAIGN, narrated by an eye witness. Edited by J. W. W. Tyndale. London, 1850. 4. NORTH AMERICAN REVIEW for January 1850 and '51. See Articles on Hungary and the War of Races.

* A very full,-and in the main correct abstract of the English edition of Paget's Hungary, may be found in the Messenger for January and February 1846.

so universally and cordially sympathise, as with | progress and conduct of the Hungarian movethat of Hungary. Some vague, indefinite state-ment, and of the fundamental questions involved ments which had reached us from that iso- in the struggle with Austria, as must entirely lated section of Europe, led many to believe change the current of belief and sympathy if that for centuries there had existed among that accredited, or if accordant with the facts and people an indomitable love of personal, religious real status.

and political liberty, a determined protestation But those who have thus proclaimed and against the dogma of the "divine rights" of sought to establish views of the subject so diskings, and the germs of institutions, requiring cordant with the views of the masses, have by no merely genial development to assimilate them means looked at the question from the same closely with our own. We, therefore, confident- stand-point. To some the Hungarians appeared ly anticipated, in that quarter, the most rational, as ultra Proletaires of red republicanism, taintand more immediately beneficial results. ed with the most vicious socialistic tendencies and aiming at the overthrow of Order, the supremacy of anarchy. To others, on the contrary, the contest seemed one, for the advantage of the aristocratic classes alone-the security of privileges and continuance of feudal restrictions, superadded to which was a design to reduce all other races in the State to the domination of the Magyars, numerically in the minority.

To this last class of observers belong several of high critical position and authority in the United States,* whose lucubrations it has seemed incumbent upon us to subject to such tests as were at hand, in order that after a studious con

But with few-we apprehend-were these impressions the consequences of any searching investigation, of any intimate knowledge of the past or present history of Hungary, and its true relation to the empire of Austria. On the one side, we saw arrayed a king, claiming absolute supremacy and the unrestrained exercise of his royal will and pleasure :—On the other, a people contending manfully for representation, prescribing rules of civil conduct, and a substantial share in the government. No further knowledge was generally regarded as essential to the formation of just conclusions.


The arrival of each steamship was anxiously sideration of the subject, we may, with some and impatiently looked for,-every triumph of show of reason, arrive at the true state of the an Hungarian army, was hailed with profound case. With this view we have given the quesrejoicing, while, every check or defeat sent the tious involved in the war between Hungary and warm blood back, chilled to the popular heart. Austria patient investigation, and have gleaned The news of Russian intervention, was every a wide field of research: the results of which where among us received with sorrow and indig- we now propose to submit to the reader, with nation; but the great results which for a time as much briefness as may befit the subject, and a followed the almost superhuman efforts of the proper regard to distinctness and sufficient illusHungarians, and the wondrous energy and resources which the exigency seemed to call forth, induced with many the hope, that notwithstanding the terrible disparity of the hostile parties, the side of Liberty would still prevail. Suddenly, however, like a thunder-peal in midwinter, conscience, and of popular rights than was done there came across the sea, intelligence of the elsewhere in Europe, at that day, or for ages surrender of Görgey-the dispersion of all of subsequently. Essentially a martial race, yieldthe Hungarian armies-the flight of Kossuth and ing to their chosen leaders all that obedience neother of the leaders, and the complete triumph cessary for the prompt and successful execution of the party of reaction and of absolutism- of their schemes of conquest, they nevertheless most sedulously guarded their social and political rights, and restricted the powers of those leaders. And this. while at the same time, enslaving and despoiling of both rights and lands, those races encountered and vanquished on the broad and fertile plains of Paunonia.

From the establishment of the Hungarian State, in the 9th century, by the election of Arpad to the headship of the Magyars, that people reserved a larger share of liberty of action and

After a time, when being no longer agitated Between that period and the first quarter of by exciting events, and the "likelihoods and the 13th century, a gradual aggrandizement of forms of hope," the waves of popular emotion the several branches of the uobility was effectedhad subsided, here and there grave essays, Transylvania, Slavonia, Croatia, Servia, Dalmawith much display of regard for, and apprecia

"Men slaughter'd, children bondslaves made, sweet la

dies forc'd with lust; Fires climbing tow'rs, and turning them to heaps of fruit

less dust."

tion of the truths and requirements of history *We refer especially to the articles in the North Amerwere made to give such a version of the origin, ican Review on this subject.

tia, Moldavia, Bosnia, Gallicia and Bessarabia | throne of Hungary occurred by the election of all inhabited by races of the great Slavic family, Ferdinand, brother of the then reigning empewere successively annexed to the Hungarian do- ror, Charles V. From that ill-starred day this minions. family has furnished kings to Hungary, who, while ever ready in times of immediate need with ample acknowledgments of the obligations and restrictions of the Hungarian Constitution, with

About 1322, in the reign of Andreas II, the nobles of the kingdom wrung from that monarch the "Golden Bull," a charter of much the same import and importance as the "Magna Charter," new concessions and solemn oaths to pay each which some eight years previously had been and all due observance, have nevertheless incesgranted under similar circumstances to the Eng-santly, either by bold encroachments or subtle lish Barons. This charter, the fundamental con- machinations and intrigues, sought to subvert stitution of Hungary, and peculiarly dear to that the institutions of the kingdom and usurp the people, secured, it must be admitted, many priv- rights of the people. ileges and immunities to certain classes in the State to the prejudice and oppression of others and of the subjected races. But in the course of time, a middle class was politically recog nized; the representative branch of the Legislature, at first restricted to the noble classes exclusively, was opened to delegates from the free towns and royal cities; municipal institutions founded on a broad basis of representation were created, and other material enlargements of the rights of the inferior classes and races were gradually accomplished.‡

Thus, much the same as in England, was the the Constitution of Hungary gradually formed and developed-starting with a charter forced from a reluctant monarch by the noble classes, it was enlarged by degrees to suit the requirements, newly developed interests and ideas and the pro-ed to swear on his coronation, that the people son and successor, Joseph I, who was constraingress of social and political civilization of the nation, while certain restrictions on the one side

points at issue, prevented the conclusion of the treaty. Leopold died, and the struggle was as indomitably maintained through the reign of his

of Hungary "should preserve, under the heredmonarchy, all the privileges, immunities, rights, customs and liberties which they had enjoyed under the elective monarchy," through the successive reigus of Charles III. and Maria Theresa, and until the death of Joseph II., the ablest of his dynasty, who had so strenuously, though vainly, labored to mould the various heterogeneous races and nationalities, owning his sway into one central, homogeneous, germanized gov

and privileges on the other became in time obso-itary lete and inoperative.

It is in no wise necessary to our purpose to trace minutely the rise and progress of this constitution, or to sketch in detail the events of nine centuries of Hungarian history. An event here and there, however, we must note in passing, as land marks by which to guide us in the progress to our conclusions.

In 1687 Leopold I. succeeded in gaining a semblance of legislative sanction, by which the House of Hapsburg, without further legislative throne of Hungary was made hereditary in the formalities. But this usurpation was earnestly resisted with various fortune; and at one time a treaty was proposed by the king, restoring all previous constitutional privileges; granting religious freedom and stipulating that a general

Diet should be couvened to determine and restore the laws, with guarantees for many other measures of social and political reform. But circum

stances not connected with the main and national

*The five last principalities were detached during the reign of Sigismund.

connexion of the House of Austria with the

About the middle of the 16th century the first ernment, regardless of any and all incongruities, dissimilar institutions, languages, customs and different stages of social and political progress. Leopold II., brother of Joseph, having ascended the throne, yielded to the popular demands and was crowned in accordance with ancient customs, and in 1790, in explicit phrase conceded: "That Hungary is a free and independent nation in her entire system of legislation and

The writer of the abstract of Paget's Hungary referred to in note, p. 1 of this article, who is generally so correct, was not authorized by the text of Paget in stating that no amalgamation took place in Hungary between the conquering Magyars and the Slavonians.

+ Deputies from towns and boroughs were not admitted into the English Parliament until the reign of Edward I. But at first these deputies possessed few privileges and little authority; being merely called upon to provide for the wants of the King and to approve of the measures government, and not subject to any other State and resolutions of the monarch and the assembly of the

Peers. In the course of time the powers of this class of or any other people, but that she shall always the Legislature were extended and the present House of have her own separate existence and her own Commons grew up. constitution, and shall consequently be governed by kings crowned according to her national

*The consummation of this treaty was prevented by a a denial of certain just claims of the leaders of the revolt.

cabinet of Vienna.

laws. rights and customs."* This declaration, and of too slight regard and trivial nature to since confirmed by all his successors, on the oc- stay their measures of centralization and absocasion of their coronation, establishes beyond lutism. For centuries, therefore, the struggle controversy Hungary's claim to separate nation has never ceased :—on the one side, the Hungaality and independence of all interference by the rians are seen arrayed, battling firmly for their old constitutional institutions and rights, seeking to preserve them intact—for which their most zealous, watchful efforts were requisite-when not able to secure new concessions and give wider scope to the constitutional spirit of the people. On the other hand-but most often in ambushabsolutism has kept the field, and by nimble strategy or bold assault has, with equal pertinacity and greater cunning, pursued its encroachments and interferences.

That Hungary "was not an independent country, the greatest courtier," says Paget, "would not dare insinuate." (Hungary and Transylvania, vol. i, p. 110.) "There can be no clearer fact," says writer in the Edinburgh Review, "in the history of Modern Europe than the constitutional independence of Hungary." "Five times in the course of a single century (1696, 1711) did the Hungarian people rise in defence of their: constitution, and what is still dearer to them, their liberty. On the approach of foreign invasion they were as devoted to Kaisar as the cavaliers to Charles Stuart. In as- vocations were dispensed with, and Hungary serting their rights they were as keen, vigilant was made dependent directly upon the central and unflinching as Pym, Hampden and Somers." council of State until 1825, when Hungarian re(Vol. xc, p. 233.) sistance again compelled the assemblage of that body, and another confirmation of the organic laws of the State.

Hungary is in no wise to be regarded as an Austrian province, a dependency of the imperial crown. All who so view her are strangely misinformed, and

"Take from thence all error."

It may be said, however, that until 1827 many of the most strenuous and determined opponents of the central power were of the class of Magnates,-those who maintained the struggle with The connexion between the two realms of Aus- a view to the restoration and secure possession tria and Hungary was, and is much the same as of personal and class-exclusive privileges and that which existed between the electorate of immunities. But from 1827 there rose up a new Hanover and Great Britain from the acces-party in Hungary; animated by nobler and more sion of George I. to the English throne, until far-reaching comprehensive aims, and soaring the death of William IV.-that of a common above special, personal or class considerationsking.t ardent advocates of wholesome reform in old inNotwithstanding these historical facts and stitutions; an extension of privileges to classes these explicit acknowledgments of the obliga- not regarded in the old constitution-freedom of tions of the constitution so often confirmed in commerce, improvement of its channels and of the most solemn manner in the face of the Hun- internal communication; increased freedom and garian nation, by royal coronation-oaths, the the education of the Peasants; the freedom of cabinet of Vienna and the Hapsburg dynasty the press and the abrogation of laws restricting have ever seemed to regard them as merely the sale and purchase of landed property. made to be "undone and brought to nothing," |

The party advocating these salutary measures and known as the "Hungarian party," formed a majority of the privileged classes known to the constitution. The largest portion of the aristocracy of the uation having become liberal, and earnestly desirous of freeing the people from the effete institutions and restrictive laws of a barbarous age, sought to give free development to the representative character of their institutions, and to erect a government based on true constitutional and representative principles in accordance with the imperative demands of the time which they had the intelligence to see. Yet these

*"Hungary—including Croatia, Slavonia and the Litora-is free and independent, preserving its regime, constitution, tribunals and its customs, and may not be governed as an Austrian province. The legislative power can only be exercised by Diets convoked in accordance with law, by a crowned king. The powers of the tribunals are fixed. The king alone can exercise executive powers, but in strict conformity alone with the fundamental laws, his acts are null if not in conformity with the constitution. He was obliged to convene the Diet every three years," &c., &c. See Marshal Marmont's "Notes Sur Hongrie." Paris.

+ After the greater portion of this article had been written, we met with Blackwood's Magazine for May, 1849, in which we find this, the true position of Hungary towards Austria fully declared. Yet the partiality of that Journal for Austria is well known.

During the wars with Napoleon, the Diet was regularly convened by Francis II., but no sooner was the Holy Alliance formed, and the dread Corsican consigned to his living tomb, than such con

* See Marmont's "Notes Sur Hongrie," Paget's "Hungary." &c. Vol. i, p. 102 especially-and also, the Travels of Elliott, another Englishman who visited Hungary

healthy and beneficent schemes were mostly and signal usefulness. such for instance as writfrustrated by delay or adroit evasion on the side ten reports of the proceedings of the Diet, which of the Austrian government, whose officials, in he for the first time prepared and spread before the meanwhile, were assiduously employed in the Hungarian people. For this, however, in fomenting dissentions between races, and in 1837, he was thrown into prison in direct violaarousing the idea of discordant interests between tion of settled laws, and remained immured until the higher classes and the peasants. The evi- 1840, when he was released with other prisoners dences of this are neither few nor inconclusive.* of State by an act of general amnesty.

As early as 1835 Baron Wesselenyi Miklos, a magnate of high talents, impassioned eloquence, great popularity and indomitable energy, had distinguished himself in the Diet of Transylvania, by liberalism and unbending opposition to Austrian aggression, and had gained a decided triumph in that very body, one half of which was composed of bureaucratic nominations. The result of this was the dissolution of the Diet. The indomitable and patriotic noble then proceeded to Hungary, of which he was likewise a magnate, and where at one of the county meetings, he urged with all his powers, and to the conviction of his auditors, the policy and justice of extending equal rights to peasants and all classes within the broad domains of Hungary. In the name of more than 8.000.000 of oppress ed countrymen he solicited and demanded thisand asserted as a matter thoroughly apparent, that Austrian authorities were industriously fomenting and spreading dissensions, ill-feeling and jealousies between classes and races.†

The patriot party clung-we must here statewith unflinching pertinacity in all controversies with the central authorities, to the strict letter of the old constitution with all its class-immunities and restrictions; for therein was involved the whole question of Hungarian independence and separate national existence-it was the safeguard of the nation against Austrian encroachment and ambition-but at the same time they sought by well-digested measures to give ample development in the spirit of their old representative institutions to every thing calculated to advance the social and political status of the people.

For this address he was arrested and consigned to a dungeon, from which he emerged several years thereafter blind and a cripple for life. As may have been anticipated from the Hungarian character, such a high-handed and illegal measure met with the most earnest remonstrance from all quarters in Hungary. In the Diet it was discussed with irrepressible warmth and dauntlessness-the most liberal sentiments were uttered amid smiles and loud cheers of applause, while but a faint, feeble attempt, falling upon listless ears, was made to stem the current of popular condemnation and displeasure. Among the speakers on that occasion was Kossuth, then a young man, but of great promise, and already identified with acts of intelligent liberalism

soon after the introduction of steam on the Danube, and who states as a "remarkable feature in the country, and as one which indicates a generous tone of feeling on the part of the aristocracy, that under the conviction of their enjoying a power too unlimited for the present enlightened state of Europe, they are themselves desirous and have lately proposed to their Sovereign that a modification of their prerogatives should take place through the intervention of Laws."

*See Paget's Hungary.

t See Paget's Hu gary. Vol. i, pp. 29–30.

See Paget's Hungary, vol. i, p. 31, for the fact of Kossuth's presence in the Diet of 1836, and his speech on that occasion. He was a deputy, not a mere scribe or secretary in that Diet as some have stated.

Along side with the party of political reform and development, worked with equal ardor and intelligence, one organized and led by Count Szechenyi, a magistrate. Their aim and purpose was the development of the physical resources-vast and multifarious in extent aud kind-of the country, which until then had been wholly neglected, when not directly or indirectly obstructed and impaired by measures of Austrian policy. The introduction of steam on the Danube-the building of various bridges-the construction and repairs of high ways and other works of internal communication, were some of the most notable results of this movement, as well as the dissemination of much information relative to outside progress, and the institutions and domestic policy of the freest European nations, especially of England.

By 1847 the party of progress had become an irresistible host. Hungarians of all classes occupied themselves in thought, word and act, with the political state of the nation to the exclusion of other subjects and concerns. In June of that year, eight months before the French revolution, the great work commenced in stern earnest and determination. A programme of the

This is admitted by even the writers on the Austrian side. See Tyndale's "Hungarian Campaign," London, 1850, Page 2, whose proclivities may be seen in the fact that in detailing an unsuccessful attempt to basely assassinate General Bem, he regards the escape of the brave and able Pole as due to the evil genius of the Siebenburg, (see p. 58,) and who can "have nothing to say" with regard to the "complicated question of the rights and wrongs" involved in the disputes between Croatia and Hungary, his part being merely "to use the sword of the Emperor" and not that equally dangerous weapon the pen, p. 14.

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