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party was announced in which were clearly centralization with Austria, which was achieved enunciated the principal questions, "the prompt as was hoped, by the 3rd article of the laws of solution" of which were believed necessary for this Diet, which, in its several sections, provided the good and well being of Hungary. It was for a national and independent government for therein declared as a "principal duty to lighten Hungary, with a separate ministry, emanating the burdens of the people who have hitherto from and responsible to the National Assembly been alone subject to taxation”—and not merely for the conduct of national and domestic affairs. this, but the equal distribution of the public On the 11th of April, 1848, these acts, one and burdens was proclaimed, as well as the partici- all, received the solemn sanction and confirmapation of the non-nobles, of the inhabitants of tion of the king, Ferdinand V. the royal cities and of the free districts, in the Following upon these measures, the union belegislative and municipal rights," and "equal tween Transylvania and Hungary-sundered rights before the law." Popular education was since the battle of Mohacs-was restored in May, made an object of their solicitude, and pro- 1848, by the unanimous act of the Diet of Trannounced "that powerful engine of national de-sylvania with all requisite formalities and solemvelopment" to which they should labor to give nities, and with the explicitly declared sanction "such a direction as shall form able aud patri- and wishes of the emperor; an event hailed at otic citizens; that the people may, by this the time with universal satisfaction and gratifimeans likewise, attain personal independencies." cation by all classes and the several races of that The intelligence and comprehensive scope of principality.

views, correct sense of the real interests and The thorough consummation of the measures rights of the people and true estimate of the of the patriots and the advent of a happy day sources of a nation's prosperity, as well as the for Hungary seemed now inevitable. An era of ardent patriotism which animated the leaders of development and progress had been installed this movement, must be apparent even to the which, before the lapse of many years, must most cursory reader of their programme.

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place the nation among the first-rate powers of Foremost and most influential among them, Europe. Her statesmen, fully equal to the exi"their mighty paramount" appeared Kossuth, gency, occupied themselves with rare intelligence "the most fearless and untiring advocate of all and energy in adjusting, adapting and improving that tends to the amelioration and advancement the several parts of the machine of State so of his country, the boldest and most unsparing that it might be fitted for the prompt performance denouncer of the errors and abuses in the con- of the new and increased labors. stitution and government," who, since his release from prison in 1840, had become the darling of all classes of his countrymen, and had secured general confidence, the meed of intelligent patriotism, singleness of purpose and the highest order of intellect.

We now come to that part of our subject upon which most stress and reliance have been placed by all classes of those who view the Hungarian movement in a different light from that in which it appears to us, to wit: the question of races, of distinct and antagonistic nationalities; or alIn the winter of 1847-8 the Diet met, and the leged Croatian and Slavonic movement of rewords of the programme, to which we have just sistance to what has been characterized in ceralluded, assumed the shape and obligation of tain quarters, as Magyaric domination. Laws civil and political equality without dis- The Slavonic family of uations, occupying tinction of languages or religion-the complete the largest portion of the east of Europe, and abolition of privileges, aud au equal or propor- embracing the various elements of the Russian tional participation in the public taxes were ex-empire, is the largest one in Europe; but the plicitly enacted, as well as a suffrage law, re- different branches thereof have their peculiar diaquiring but about $135 in value of real or per- lects-the Croats, for instance, speak a dialect sonal property as a qualification in an elec- as distinct from that of the Serbs, Wallachs, tor, or a much smaller amount for those dwel- Slovacks, Bosuiaus, Poles, Russians, Bohemiaus, ling in towns-and free suffrage for those pos- and other Slavonians-and these again, vary sessing a college diploma, and masters having severally, with each other—as is the case with apprentices. The next step in the march of the several races of the Scandinavian and Gerprogress was the thorough and effectual assur-man branches of the great Teutonic family. ance of the independence of the Hungarian gov- But from the days of Peter the Great it has ernment, the final check to all tendency towards

* We quote from Kohl, the admirable and indomitable German traveller, whose travels in Austria appeared as early as 1842, and who, be it remembered, seems to lean

to the side of Austrian administration.

been a favorite measure of Russian policy to incorporate this wide-spread family into one nation, of which the Czar, would naturally, or from the force of circumstances, be the head; a policy which if not openly and boldly advanced

at all points towards consummation, may be traced However sincere, therefore, Szaffarik, Palacky, mining its way onward with equal sagacity, ad- Kollan and others of the leaders in the virginal, roitness and determination. Now, within the chimerical literary movement may have been, we limits of what is generally termed the Austrian must repeat, we are not permitted to doubt that Empire, are more than sixteen millions of these Russian policy and machinations first gave oriSlavonians. These were not to be incorporated gin and impetus to the movement, and most zealinto the already Colossal Empire of the North ously fomented the questions involved in "Pauby force, on scant pretence, as was Poland, and slavism."* we may say Moldavia and Wallachia; but a At the same time it may not be denied with slower, more insidious policy might, in the course truth and candor, that the Slavonians in Hungary of time, result as effectually in the accomplish- having been conquered subject races, in times ment of this darling project of aggrandizement. when the rights of such were little understood Accordingly, about 1828, we find springing up and less regarded, had been unjustly restricted in all quarters among Slavonians the question in privileges, like the Anglo-Saxons of England, of Panslavism; not confined to the geographical by their Norman conquerors-and were subjectlimits of Hungary, and antagonistic merely to ed to serious grievances for a time, under Magyar any spirit of Magyaric supremacy, but most ram- domination. But long before the days of " Panpant and active in Bohemia. First its agitators slavism," there was no right of any kind, no imadvocated the establishment of a literary and inmunity or restriction which was not equally tellectual union between the scattered branches shared by those of the same class or caste in of the family. Next, a political phase was as-Hungary, whether Magyar or Slavonian. On sumed, aiming at the fusion of the separate na- this point the evidence is clear and conclusive. tionalities into one great, centralized Slavonian "Croatia and Sclavonia," says Paget, "have empire. the same laws and constitution as the rest of Hungary, except in one or two particulars, in which they enjoy special privileges." Hungary and Transylvania. (Vol. 2, p. 296.)

The very character of this movement, and its inevitable tendency-if successfully developedto the advancement and consummation of the well-known characteristics of Russian policy, would seem alone sufficient to indicate the hand and agency of that grasping government, but occasionally, here and there, we may trace its officials and emissaries, consuls and others, too prominently and zealously at work, as the propaganda of Panslavism, to permit us to halt in our conclusions. Were this not the case, however, we are constrained to regard that agency as manifest in the active and prominent share taken by the high dignitaries and other priesthood of the Greek church in the agitations—and later, in the revolts among the Serbs and the Wallachs of Transylvania, who saw in the Czar, the head of their church, its most potent support, and the fountain of honor and advancement therein.

Modern history, if it teaches any thing, is pregnant with evidences of Russian intermed dling in the dissensions and civil wars of its neighbors-wars and dissensions which it for the most part first excited. At times, perhaps, it may seem to recede, but only the better, how ever, to conceal its designs, for "Cæsar doth not change" and by a closer and more thorough reconnoisance of the ground, the more effectually to advance when the critical time may arrive for successful encroachment.

*Wallachia and Moldavia are virtually provinces of the Russian empire, although nominally under the joint protectorate of Russia and Turkey, from which last power they were separated some years since by the intrigues of

the former.

The electoral class-the nobles-were by no means as some would have us believe, all Magyars, but were distributed among the several races in a very fair proportion to the number of each race entering into the population of the nation. In one county for instance, mentioned by

*"Nor is Russian policy," says a recent writer in the Edinburg Review, "the work of a single man, or a single generation. Four sovereigns of the house of Romanoff have followed consistently in the same track. Yet it is not the policy of Catherine, of Paul, of Alexander, or of Nicholas, but of Russia. It bides its time, and the purpose of the fathers is accomplished by the third or fourth generation of the children. It employs with equal readiness fraud or force. Muscovite Panslavism and the Greek church are as much its instruments as the gold of the Ural and the Cossack's lance." Vol xc, p. 247.

No where among Slavonians is this Russian corps of intrigue, the priesthood of the Greek church, idle. In Bosnia, a dependency of Turkey, they are traversing the country in all directions singing the praises of Russian rule. See "Sclaves de Turquie," par M. Cyprien Robert, Tome, ii, p. 116. And by recent accounts we see them at the same work in Bulgaria, another dependency of Turkey, arraying class against class, and the people against the government of Constantinople.

One of those privileges was the power to restrict Protestantism in Croatia. That intolerance prevailed in that principality, that it enjoyed all the privileges of the Hungarian constitution, and sent its magnates and deputies to the national Diet, while its people were many degrees more rude than those of Hungary and Transylvania, see "Gleig's Germany, Bohemia," &c. Vol. iii, p. 160. The writer, edited by Tyndale, who served with them and admired their dexterity at throat-cutting, characterizes them as wild, uncouth and semi-civilized.

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De Gerando, that of Maramos, there are found telligible is that voluntary zeal of this class which but 483 Magyar nobles, while there are 717 Sla- seems to prompt them to the wide dissemination vonians and 3,750 Wallachians of that class, all of their unjust convictions and false testimony to of whom throughout Hungary enjoy equal rights pervert the judgment of their readers. and privileges, and have an equal voice in the Wherefore should the Croatians have become election of delegates to the local and general discontent at the prospect of remaining a part of Diets without reference to race. There can, Hungary under the new state of things, with its therefore, be no greater error than to regard such marked tendency to federation-distribution of privileges and restrictions as may have continued powers among local institutions, counties and in Hungary as appertinent to races: they were municipalities*--and prefer dependence or rethose of a class. pose, trust rather on the Cabinet of Vienna,

The history of the times is our witness on this

Hungary was divided into a large number of counties or districts, each of which had its separate local adwithin itself, in whose affairs the General Government might not legally interfere or even execute the national laws therein, except by means of the county officers, all of whom save the "Fö Ispan," the Governor Lord Lieutenant, are elected by the people every three years. This "Fö Ispan," is the nominal representative of the Crown, and is selected by it; but the principal executive functions are discharged by a "Vice Ispan," elected by the qualified voters.

ministration, and constituted a State in most respects

Some of the other elected officials, are receivers of na

jailors and county magistrates.

But nevertheless, a certain degree of ill-feeling whose characteristic policy has ever been cenand jealousy-somewhat akin to that to be seen tralization and the entire absorption of all nationin Great Britain between Celt and Saxon-exis-alities? ted between the Slavic inhabitants of Hungary, and the Magyars; due, as we think, rather to a sense or remembrance of past humiliatious and wrongs than to any existing restrictions or political inequalities. This lingering feeling, however, was artfully and industriously fostered by Russian emissaries. and for Russian ends. But Austria also, seeing in this sentiment an instrument. ready fashioned to the hand for effectually thwarting the efforts of the Hungarians to secure the constitutional independence of the nation, and the most potent ally in the accomplishment of those measures of centralization, characteristic of Austrian policy, joined with ardor in the work, blind to the ulti-tional and county taxes, collectors, fiscals, surveyors, mate profit which must inure to Russia alone. Conservatives in this country and elsewhere, say that the laws and act which secured Hungarian independence of the central power, and an independent ministry, "fanned into flame the mouldering discontent of the Slavonian races" that Croatia had been content to remain in theory a dependency of Hungary, as long as Hungary was governed from Vienna, but the national feeling of the Croat revolted against be coming in reality the subjects of the Magyars, and obeying Magyar ministers." (London Quarterly Review, January 1849.) Hence-maintain this class-arose the struggle, resulting in the war of 1849, between Austria and Hungary-and we may add, the overthrow of the latter, and the accompanying annihilation of Slavonian nationalities.

To us, such statements seem so wide of justice aud right, so signally void of the seal and very show of truth, that we can scarcely comprehend the mental process by which any one, not directly interested, and thoroughly imbued with l'esprit de Bureaucratie, can have been brought to give them one moment's credence-and much less in

*The word "noble," as used in Hungary-especially anterior to the connexion of the House of Hapsburg-Lorraine with the throne-may be regarded as the mere synonym of freeman or elector. The butchers, bakers and other tradesmen of Hungary are frequently of the class of nobles, and the larger number of them till their small farms with their own hands.

Four times every year, all the electoral class assemble together and discuss the several questions before National Diets, concerning which the wishes of the majority of such electors are ascertained and instructions in accordance therewith are sent to the deputies for the county, who are imperatively obliged to vote as instructed or be at once recalled. These convocations possess even the right of corresponding with foreign powers. They have the management of the roads and other means of communication, they assess taxes, and direct the levies of soldiers voted by the General Diet-provide for the expenses of the country and otherwise discharge all the business thereof. The acts of the Diet and ordinances of the King are sent to them to be published, but should any such acts and ordinances be found contrary to law and of dangerous tendency, they possess the right to lay them, "with all honor, on the table."—(See Paget's Hungary, vol. i. chapter 18.

Besides these large districts or counties "every Hungarian village forms a communitas in itself and is governed by its own elected officers-assesses and collects its own taxes and manages its own affairs very much after its own fancy."-(Paget's Hungary, vol. 1., p. 319.)

Thus, the local government of counties and villages, administrative and executive, rests in the hands of officials elected by those most interested The political power was divided between the crown and the local institutionsso too with the executive functions, and the system was eminently federal and discentralizing and opposed to the

Bureaucratic character of other continental States, even of Republican France.

We should perhaps have also described the composition, &c., of the General Diet, and its constitutional functions, and likewise the "Military Frontier," but our limits will not allow thereof and we must refer the reader who may desire to pursue the investigation to Paget's entertaining volumes.

point of the absurdity of any such preference. We hear much of the fact that the Magyar The evidences of the results of the "paternal race constituted a minority in Hungary; but it rule" of Austria over those of the principalities seems to have been forgotten in the same quarin which she has succeeded in subverting old constitutions and institutions, and in governing directly from Vienna, are abundant and suggestive of but one conclusion, which should not have been without siguificance and lesson to the Croats and all other Slavonians, yet so fortunate as to have escaped from the strong influences of that vortex of denationalization.

ters, that the numerical strength of Croatia was so insignificant as scarcely to entitle her to dream of a separate national existence, she being the smallest of all the Slavonic races in Hungary. That the history of the past or any promises of the future should have induced the Croat to prefer dependence on Austria, rather than Hungary, may not be sustained-and no one who Bohemia, the land of Huss; the very cradle of has studied the history of the Slavon, can escape the reformation, which, when the rest of Eu-from the conviction that German institutions are rope was enslaved, had a "pure religion and free wholly repugnant and fatal to that race—that institutions," having been deprived of local legis- Austrian institutions cannot be adopted by it with lation, and now, being governed immediately by advantage.* the Cabinet of Vienna, has been systematically But most conclusively to show how devoid of and thoroughly denationalized. Education is truth are the complaints and pretensions of the under the strict surveillance of the police; the Croatian malcontents, it will be amply sufficient vernacular tongue is effectually proscribed; the to know the fact, that the same acts of the Diet German language is taught ex officio in all the of 1848, which more thoroughly established Hunschools; all the officials write and speak Ger- garian independence, gave to Croatia 18 instead man; for without such ability, no Bohemian can of 3 deputies in the Hungarian Diet; preserved hope for advancement or position, and every the dignity and power of the Ban; abolished all measure is taken to eradicate all recollections of distinctions of races-making the Slavon as free former independence and institutions.* as the Magyar-guarantied the use of the SlaIn Gallicia, another Slavonic dependency of vonic language in Croatia, and in all other resAustria, the same results have been accomplished: pects extended and secured to them equal laws the denationalization of the people thoroughly and privileges with the so-called dominant Maeffected. There being no distinct races to array gyars. And not merely this-the intolerant against each other, all being Slavonians, the Peas-spirit of the Croat was gratified, and the excluantry without doubt subject to many harsh re-sive domination of the Roman Catholic Church strictions, were taught to regard the upper classes in that State was assented to an exception to with hatred as their oppressors. The fruits of that spirit of tolerance and liberty of conscience such sentiments were not long ripening, and the so characteristic of the Hungarian people.† most sanguinary revolt broke forth that has ever disgraced human records.

Was not Croatia an integral part of the king dom of Hungary, when Ferdinand 1st of the House of Hapsburg-Lorraine was first called to the throne, and had she not occupied that position for centuries before that event? Beside this, she was declared "inseparably united," with Hungary, by the famous "Pragmatic sanction," that instrument so much referred to by the Bureaucracy.

*

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*

*

*"Of all the dependencies of Austria," says an English traveller, "none are governed with greater severity than Bohemia. The Peasantry are placed under the degrading vassalage of the feudal system in its worst forms. The middle classes are subjected to heavy taxation, the hardship of which is aggravated by the vicious mode of collection. A minority once made a struggle for certain ameliorations in the existing systems, but the party of the Government prevailed, and reform was nipped in the bud."-See Strange's Germany in 1831, vol ii., p. 187. Also Gleig's Germany and Bohemia. Mrs. Shelley's Rambles in Germany, and Italy. Elliott's Travells, and English continental travellers generaliy.

From the 11th century.

VOL. XVII-65

*See Les Sclaves de Turquie, par M. Cyprien Robert. Paris, 1844. Tome 1, p. 346.

+ Human testimony in substantiation of any fact or event

*

*

#

is rarely so much to the point, as the "Imperial Mani-
festo" of Ferdinand V., addressed to the Croatian and
other malcontents, in May, 1848. The Emperor-King
says to them-"You who united to the crown of Hungary
for eight centuries, shared the fortunes of this country-
who owe to this Union the constitutional freedom which
you
alone amongst all Sclavish nations have been ena-
bled to maintain through a series of centuries-you who
not only have even shared in all the rights and liberties
law-
of the Hungarian constitution
fully endowed with peculiar rights, privileges and liber-
ties by our illustrious ancestors and who therefore pos-
sess greater privileges than any of subjects of our sacred
Hungarian Crown. We were mistaken in you, to whom
the last Diet of the kingdom and its dependencies, ac-
cording to our royal will, granted full part in all the bene-
fits of constitutional liberty and equality of rights. * * *
The right of constitutional representation was extended
to the people with you no less than in Hungary, in con-
sequence of which no longer the nobility alone, but like-
wise other inhabitants and the military frontier take part
by their representatives in the legislation common to all
# # * both
as well as in the municipal congregations,
your national and your municipal rights are enlarged
and secured against encroachments."

Touching the alleged disposition of the Magyars or

No valid excuse, we therefore maintain, can As already noticed, the various measures of be advanced for discontent with the Hungarian reform provided for by the acts of the Diet of regime, or for the conduct and action of the ultra 1847-8, received the solemn confirmation of the Croatian party in opposition to Hungary, and King. Notwithstanding such approval, the meatheir espousal of the cause of Austria, the ruth-sures in question must have been most distasteful less co-spoiler with Russia, of the Sclavic races. to and wholly at variance with the cherished Will it be said, that there is any greater family views of the Cabinet of Vienna-for if acquiaffinity between the Slavic races and the Ger- esced in in good faith, they gave the death blow mans than with the Magyars? Is not affinity to the system of centralization so pertinaciously rather with the latter? For no where in Europe pursued since the days of Ferdinand I. Accorddid Poland and Polish refugees-Slavonians-ingly that Cabinet, as in former instances, in receive such cordial, practical sympathy, as in somewhat similar exigencies, at once resorted to Hungary from the Magyars! The country was measures calculated to thwart and effectually defull of these refugees when Paget visited it in stroy Hungarian independence and progress. In 1835. The nobility of the land were foremost in no manner could this be so effectually accomaffording them shelter and support; while not a plished, as by exerting the Slavic element against county failed to draw up remonstrances against the Magyars. That such was the Bureaucratic Russian cruelty; and the National Diet of 1836, and reactionary policy we may not doubt, as a unanimously presented a petition, praying that few facts, we apprehend, will serve to show to the King should interfere to prevent the destruc- all unprejudiced minds.* tion of Poland. There was no sufficient cause First. Who were the leaders in this so-called for revolt on the part of the Croat or any other Slavic movement-the loud and active agitators Slavic section of the nation, and but for Austri- for Croatian and Serbian independence? Louis an and Russian machinations all discontent and Gaj, (Gay,) a Croatian journalist, who may have opposition among them must soon have faded been a sincere patriot, though an injudicious one, entirely away before the benign and comprehen- and a fanatical enthusiast, but whose career and sive policy of Kossuth and the Hungarian lead- recent honors subject him with some reason to ers. But for such malign influences, Croatia and the taint of having been the mere instrument, Servia, containing together but about 2,300,000 not the dupe, of Absolutism-and the famous souls, would have been as well satisfied as the Baron Joseph Jellachich, the Colonel of an AusSouthern Wallachs, Slovaks, and other non-Ma-trian frontier regiment, were the instigators and gyars, in all over five millions, who adhered to leaders of the discontent and revolt in Croatia. and made common cause with the Magyars- And in Serbia, where the people, uniufluenced and are as proud as the latter of the name of by interested malcontents and emissaries, had at Hungarian.†

first expressed themselves well satisfied and pleased with the measures of reform of 1847-8-the prominent disseminators first of sentiments of discord and the subsequent leaders of the sangui

rather Hungarian Ministry to impose the Magyar language on the Slavic races, this manifesto is conclusive: "Not only the use of your national language is lawfully guaranteed to you for ever in your schools, but it is like-nary outbreak, were the Archbishops of the wise introduced in the public assemblies where the Latin

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Greek Church, Rajachich, Stephen Suplikacy, another Colonel of an Austrian regiment, one Stratimorivick, also in the Austrian military service, the Austrian Consul Col. Mayerhoffen, the soul of the revolt," and the Russian Consul

Kossuth, too, from the outset of the movement, as early as March, 1848, in reply to some who desired to give it a partial application, declared in the Diet, that he demanded at Belgrade, aided zealously by the clergy of the "liberty and common rights for the whole Hungarian Greek Church-the religion of the Serbs. nation," which consisted of "fifteen millions of Hungarians not of one city or of one class."

104.

That Jellachich, Austrian Colonel and courtier, was the instrument of Austrian policy, we may not doubt on a review of the evidence, not

* See Paget's Hungary, &c., vol. 1, p. "Sclaves fought by thousands in the ranks of the Hun- withstanding his patriotic intentions. Passing garian, but no Magyars in the Sclave's army." Schles-over the fact, that his election to the Banship of inger's "War in Hungary," vol. 1, p. 31. Croatia, an office which had been kept vacant One of Kossuth's most resolute and ardent colleagues by Austrian Ministers for years, was irregular Kossuth himself was a Slovok, and Damjanich, the Ney and in violation of established forms and cus

was Sabbas Vercovich, Minister of Justice, a Slavon,

alike in deeds and fate, of the Hungarian army, was a Serb, and the best fitted it is said of all the Generals for a Republican leader. Other Slavonians occupied prominent posts, and were distinguished for their zealous adherence to the cause of constitutional independence and reform.

* As a proof that our conclusions are legitimate ones, not the mere products of our wishes and bias, we may refer to Blackwood for May, 1849, the redoubtable organ of that which its admirers call Conservatism, but which many others regard as Reaction and Absolutism.

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