Kingdoms; the Exchequer being fo exhausted with the debts of King James, the bounty of his Majefty that now is (who upon his first access to the Crown, gave many costly instances of his favour to Perfons near him) and the charge of the War upon Spain, and France, that both the known, and cafual Revenue being anticipated, the neceffary fubfiftence of the Household was unprovided for; and the King on the fuddain driven to thofe ftreights for his own Support, that many ways were reforted to, and inconveniencies fubmitted to for Supply; as felling the Crown-Lands, creating Peers for money, and many other particulars, which no access of power, or plenty, fince could repair.

PARLIAMENTS were Summoned, and again Diffolved in difpleasure and that in the fourth year (after the Diffolution of the two former) was determined with a Profeffion, and Declaration, that, "fince for feveral ill ends the calling again "of a Parliament was divulged, however his Majesty had "Thewed, by his frequent meeting with his People, his love "to the use of Parliaments, yet the late abuse having, for the ແ prefent, driven his Majefty unwillingly out of that course, "he fhall account it prefumption for any to prescribe any "time to his Majefty for Parliaments. Which words were generally interpreted, as if no more Affemblies of that nature were to be expected, and that all Men were prohibited upon the penalty of Cenfure, fo much as to speak of a Parliament. And here I cannot but let my felf loofe to fay, that no Man can fhew me a Source, from whence thofe waters of bitterness, we now tafte, have more probably flowed, than from these unreasonable, unskilful, and precipitate Diffolutions of Parliaments; in which, by an unjust furvey of the Paffion, Infolence, and Ambition of particular Perfons, the Court measured the Temper and Affection of the Country; and by the fame ftandard the People confider'd the Honour, Juftice, and Piety of the Court; and fo ufually parted, at thofe fad feafons, with no other Respect, and Charity one toward the other, than accompanies Perfons who never meant to meet but in their own Defence. In which the King had always the disadvantage to harbour Perfons about him, who with their utmost Industry, falfe Information, and Malice, improved the faults, and infirmities of the Court to the People; and again, as much as in them lay, rendered the People fuspected, if not odious to the King.

I AM not altogether a stranger to the paffages of thofe Parliaments (though I was not a Member of them) having carefully perufed the Journals of both Houses, and Familiarly converfed with many who had principal parts in them. And I cannot but wonder at those Counfels, which perfwaded the

courfes

courses then taken; the habit and temper of Mens minds, at that time, being, no queftion, very applicable to the Publick ends; and thofe ends being only difcredited by the Jealoufies the People entertain'd from the manner of the prosecution, that they were other, and worse than in truth they were. It is not to be denied, that there were, in all thofe Parliaments, efpecially in that of the fourth year, feveral Paffages, and diftempered Speeches of particular Perfons, not fit for the Dignity, and Honour of thofe places, and unfuitable to the Reverence due to his Majefty and his Councils. But I do not know any formed Act of either House (for neither the Remonftrance, nor Votes of the last day were fuch) that was not agreeable to the Wisdom, and Justice of great Courts upon those extraordinary occafions. And whoever confiders the Acts of power, and injustice of some of the Ministers, in those intervals of Parliament, will not be much scandalized at the warmth, and vivacity of those meetings.

IN the Second Parliament there was a mention, and intention declared of granting five Subsidies, a proportion (how contemptible foever in refpect of the preffures now every day impofed) scarce ever before heard of in Parliament. And that Meeting being, upon very unpopular, and unplausible Reasons, immediately Diffolved, thofe five Subfidies were exacted, throughout the whole Kingdom, with the fame rigour, as if, in truth, an Act had paffed to that purpose: Divers Gentlemen of prime Quality, in feveral Counties of England, were, for refufing to pay the fame, committed to Prifon, with great rigour and extraordinary circumstances. And could it be imagined, that those Men would meet again in a free Convention of Parliament, without a sharp, and severe expoftulation, and inquifition into their own Right, and the power that had impofed upon that Right? And yet all thefe Provocations, and many other, almost of as large an extent, produced no other Refentment than the Petition of Right (of no prejudice to the Crown) which was likewife purchased at the price of five Subfidies more, and, in a very short time after that Supply granted, that Parliament was likewife, with ftrange. circumftances of Paffion on all fides, Diffolved."

THE abrupt, and unkind breaking off the two first Parliaments was wholely imputed to the Duke of Buckingham; and of the Third, principally to the Lord Weston, then Lord High Treafurer of England; both in refpect of the great Power, and Intereft they then had in the Affections of his Majefty, and for that the time of the Diffolutions happened to be when some Charges, and Accufations were preparing, and ready to be preferred against thofe two great Persons. And therefore the Envy, and Hatred, that attended them thereupon,

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was Infupportable, and was vifibly the cause of the murther of the first (stabbed to the Heart by the hand of a Villain, upon the meer impious pretence of his being odious to the Parliament) and made, no doubt, fo great an impreffion upon the Understanding, and Nature of the other, that, by degrees, he loft that temper and ferenity of Mind, he had been before master of, and which was moft fit to have accompanied him in his weighty Imployments: infomuch, as, out of indignation to find himself worse used than he deferved, he cared less to deferve well, than he had done; and infenfibly grew into that Publick hatred, that render'd him lefs ufeful to the Service that he only intended.

I WONDER lefs at the Errors of this nature in the Duke of Buckingham; who, having had a most generous Education in Courts, was utterly ignorant of the Ebbs, and Floods of Popular Councils, and of the Winds that move those Waters; and could not, without the fpirit of Indignation, find himfelf, in the space of a few weeks, without any visible cause intervening, from the greatest height of popular Eftimation that any perfon hath afcended to (infomuch as Sr Edward Coke blafphemously call'd him our Saviour) by the fame breath thrown down to the depth of Calumny, and Reproach. 1 fay, it is no Marvail (befides that he was naturally to follow fuch Counfels as were given him) that he could think of no better way, to be freed of these inconveniences, and troubles, the Paffions of thofe Meetings gave him, than to Diffolve them, and prevent their coming together: and that when they feem'd to neglect the publick Peace, out of Animofity to him, he intended his own Eafe and Security in the first place,and eafily believed, the Publick might be otherwise provided for, by more Intent, and Difpaffionate Councils. But that the other, the Lord Wefton, who had been very much, and very Popularly converfant in those Conventions, who exactly knew the Frame, and Constitution of the Kingdom, the Temper of the People, the Extents of the Courts of Law, and the Jurifdiction of Parliaments, which at that time had feldom, or never committed any Excess of jurifdiction (Modesty and Moderation in words never was, nor ever will be observed in true reflection of the thould believe, that the Union, Peace, and Plenty Popular Councils, whofe foundation is Liberty of Speech) that He

of the Kingdom could be preferved without Parliaments, or that the Paffion, and Distemper gotten, and receiv'd into Parliaments, could be removed, and reformed by the more paffionate Breaking and Diffolving them; or that That Course would not inevitably prove the most Pernicious to himfelf, is as much my Wonder, as any thing that hath since happened.

THERE

THERE is a Protection very gracious, and juft, which Princes owe to their Servants, when, in Obedience to their just Commands, upon extraordinary and neceffary Occafions, in the Execution of their Trufts, they fwerve from the ftrict Letter of the Law, which, without that Mercy, would be Penal to them. In any fuch Cafe, it is as Legal (the Law prefuming it will always be done upon great Reason) for the King to Pardon, as for the Party to Accufe, and the Judge to Condemn. But for the Soveraign Power to interpofe, and shelter an Accused Servant from anfwering, do's not only feem an obftruction of Juftice, and lay an imputation upon the Prince of being privy to the Offence, but leaves fo great a Scandal upon the Party himself, that he is generally concluded Guilty of whatfoever he is charged with; which is commonly more than the Worst Man ever deferved. And it is worthy the Obfervation, that, as no Innocent Man who made his Defence, ever Suffer'd in those times by Judgement of Parliament, fo many Guilty Perfons, and against whom the Spirit of the times went as High, by the wife managing their defence, have been freed from their Accufers, not only without Cenfure, but without Reproach; as the Bishop of Lincoln, then Lord Keeper, Sr H. Marten, and St H. Spiller; Men, in their feveral degrees, as little beholden to the Charity of that time, as any Men fince. Whereas scarce a Man, who, with Industry and Skill, laboured to keep himself from being Accufed, or by Power to stop or divert the Course of Proceeding, fcaped without fome Signal Mark of Infamy, or Prejudice. And the Reafon is clear, for befides that, after the first Storm, there is fome Compaffion naturally attends Men like to be in Misery; and, befides the latitude of Judging in thofe places, whereby there is room for Kindness and Affection, and collateral Confiderations to interpofe; the truth is, thofe Accufations (to which this Man contributes his Malice, another his Wit, all Men what they please, and most upon Hear-fay, with a kind of Uncharitable Delight of making the Charge as Heavy as may be) are commonly stuffed with many odious Generals, that the Proofs feldom make good: and then a Man is no fooner found less Guilty than, he is expected, but he is concluded more Innocent than he is; and it is thought but a juft Reparation for the Reproach that he deferved not, to Free him from the Cenfure he deserved. So that, very probably, thofe two Noble Perfons had been happy, if they had ftoutly fubmitted to the Proceedings were defigned against them; and, without queftion, it had been of Soveraign Ufe to the King, if, in thofe Peaceable times, Parliaments had been Taught to know their own Bounds, by being fuffer'd to Proceed as far as they could go; by which

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rime.

the Extent of their Power would quickly have been manifested: from whence no Inconvenience of moment could have Proceeded; the House of Commons never then pretending to the least part of Judicature, or exceeding the known Verge of their own Privileges; the House of Peers observing the Rules of the Law and Equity in their Judgements, and proceeding deliberately upon clear Testimony and Evidence of matter of Fact; and the King retaining the fole power of Pardoning, and receiving the whole profit of all Penalties and Judgements; and indeed having fo great an influence upon the Body of Peerage, that it was fcarce known, that any Perfon of Honour was feverely Cenfured in that House (before this prefent Parliament) who was not either immediately profecuted by the Court, or in evident Disfavour there; by which, it may be (as it ufually falls out) fome Doors were opened, at which inconveniencies to the Crown have got in, that were not then enough Weighed and Confidered.

;

BUT the course of exempting Men from profecution, by diffolving of Parliaments, made the power of Parliaments much more Formidable, as conceived to be without Limit fince the Soveraign Power feem'd to be compelled (as unable otherwise to set bounds to their proceedings) to that rough Cure, and to determine their Beings, because it could not determine their Jurisdiction. Whereas if they had been frequently Summoned, and feasonably Diffolved, after their Wif dom in applying Medicines and Cures, as well as their industry in discovering Diseases, had been discerned, they would eafily have been applied to the Ufes for which they were first Inftituted; and been of no less esteem with the Crown, than of Veneration with the People. And fo I fhall conclude this Digreffion, which, I conceived, was not unfeasonable for this place, nor upon this occafion, and return to the Time, when that brisk, and improvident Refolution was taken of declining those Conventions; all Men being Inhibited (as I faid before they generally took themselves to be) by the Proclamation at the Diffolution of the Parliament in the fourth Year, fo much as to mention or speak as if a Parliament fhould be called.

The State of AND here it will give much Light to that which follows, the Court if we take a View of the State of the Court, and of the about that Council at that time, by which we may best see the face of that time, and the Affections and Temper of the People in general. The Rife of FOR the better taking this Profpect, we will begin with the Duke of a furvey of the Perfon of that great Man, the Duke of BuckBucking- ingham (who was fo barbaroufly Murdered about this time).

ham.

whofe Influence had been Unfortunate in the Publick Affairs, and whofe Death produced a Change in all the Counfels.

The