and educated, if we mistake not, within sound of the bells of Boston and Cambridge? For our own part, we honor New-England; and we have not been wanting, on occasion, as our readers well know, in the expression of this sentiment. Yet NewEngland is not every thing that is good; she does not stand alone, par excellence; she is not wholly sans reproche; and we cannot altogether applaud that sectional feeling, which would induce one of her sons, like the enthusiastic admirer of roast beef, who ate up the spit, to swallow every thing connected with her history and condition, as in all respects savory and palatable. It is this spirit which our offending contributor rebukes, in the annexed hasty response, which has been written and forwarded to us since the article in the North American met the writer's eye, but not in season for its appropriate place, in the department of original papers:

'THERE were several causes which conspired to create a Republic, at the time these United States were born. One cause, and a prominent one, was the increased purity of the Christian Religion, which, when rightly embraced, places man on so high an elevation, that he cannot be a slave; he cannot compromise his conscience; he cannot swear allegiance to a king he does not respect, or worship and appear to countenance, a form of religion he is utterly averse to. The Christian Religion, in its purity, acts on the heart; in its corruptions, it acts chiefly on the outer man. In its purity, it enlightens man as to his own nature; it gives him new views of the earth and the land; it teaches him that he has a higher birth-right than territory and earthly glory. In proportion as these views gain ground, they dimininish the blind love of country. It has been said that the Pilgrims had no idea of a republic. No; but they were led on by general principles that could not fail to establish one.

'Another cause was the invention of Printing, which scattered thought in the world, and sowed seeds of knowledge, that brought forth, some an hundred fold, and some fifty. The FIFTY was love of liberty, which lies almost first in the strata of ideas that nature piles up in every man, ready for use, will he but take the trouble to examine this natural wealth, of which Thought is the treasurer. The two causes mentioned, combined with distance from the land of thrones, which left them free to act, gave birth to Freedom. A republic came up, emerged from the womb of Time, with irrepressible energy, as the strong plant shoots out of the earth, pushing aside the dross and dead weeds that would encumber it.

'If republics are founded on such principles, to continue, they must adhere to all modifications of them. (Indulgent Reader, bear with us for a moment: we do not pretend to special sanctity; we do not intend to stuff you with assumptions and pretensions but we mean what we say, and feel interested in this matter.) When it is time for a wide, free government to exist, it is time for men to cherish humble views of themselves, and kind feelings for others. A charity, a philanthropy, never so broad, must be the basis of a permanent republic. If all men govern, all men must agree to love each other in differences. What self-discipline, what watchfulness must nurture and bring out such liberality? What contentions with our selfishness and petty pride what denial of the passions, and correction of prejudice, must pre cede such a result?

'The enemies of liberty are still in doubt whether a republic can exist; and they excuse their doubts, by pointing to our stormy debates and violent animosities. They ground their hopes of our dissolution upon our sectional feeling. But in proportion as we become an intellectual people, so much is our faith assured. We include in intellectual feeling, religious feeling, which is the best prompter of thought, in all the operations of mind, running through them like a golden-sanded river; in plenty and

full flow, an ornament and glory, and in poverty and drought, unfolding hidden treasures. For liberty, being the gift of God, a gift that can only be claimed and enjoyed by Thought, every new thinker strengthens the ramparts against error, and lessens the danger of relapse, either from internal foes, or foreign invasion. But who is to be considered the intellectual man for this great purpose? Is a mere reader and collector of facts, the student of languages, the follower of abstruse science, such? Not necessarily. Though he have the gift of tongues, and though he understand mysteries, and have all faith, and have not charity, he is but a sounding brass and tinkling cymbal. The intellectual man for our purpose, must be one who, by some means, it matters not by what, has been raised into respect for himself—that is his nature and for truth. Some may attain it by solitary thought, as they plough the land or the sea, without the aid of books. Some gain it by sorrow and bitter experience. Many have it written on their hearts by the pen of nature, ever drawing lines on the soul. We may remark here, that it is highly desirable that a distinction should be made between mere learning, or the improper application of learning, and sense. The world has been long enough under the influence of the opinions of men whose only claim to being heard, is, the knowing of something people in general do not know.

'Indeed, it is true, that the great danger which threatens us, is a narrow sectional feeling- -narrow in this age and in this country. It is natural that every man should love his home. The land of our birth, the haunts of childhood, the church in which we were christened, and the grave-yards where our friends and kindred lie buriedtender recollections! This is the by-play of the religious nature. Such thoughts purify us; they spiritualize us; and, if we do not grow maudlin, these very tendernesses invigorate to strong action, and put us in train to act nobly for others. But this is not sectional feeling. We will show you some of it. You will see a strong dash of it in the April number of the North American Review, art. 1x. We speak of this periodical with a kind of educated respect. We read it before we understood it, as we did the Bible, because it looked so neat and good, and because, too, its fine periods charmed our musical ear. But all this only creates the more pain and surprise, that it should prove the very charges it would refute. The writer of the article referred to, seems to undertake to prove that New-England is all perfection; that nothing exists within her boundaries that should not; that all who dare to think to the contrary, are entitled to no sort of credit. If they entertain any views contrary to this imaginary perfection, they must either be the result of ignorance, malice, or of a head half crazed by und pected good fortune at the west.

unex

We would acknowledge that the article in question is written with a power and force that, at first view, would seem to disarm all objection. There is an aptness of style to the subject, a choice of facts and arguments, and a lofty forgiveness, a pitying kind of condescension, that if it were felt, must touch a heart of stone. There are appeals to this very sectional feeling, that works in the weak hearts of us all; and truth is so adroitly mingled up with error, that we confess we feel almost ashamed that we ever said, 'There is an aristocracy—a petty aristocracy-in New-England; a family pride, select circles, upper and lower class doctrine, at war with the spirit of our institutions, and the general advancement of that section in intelligence, manners, and refinement.' This is true. There are reasons for it. At the time of the revolution, that an aristocracy existed, no one doubts. Principles may change; habits are not so easy of eradication. In a single hour or minute, a man may be convinced that he is wrong, and it may take him years to conform his conduct to his principles. In New-England, unfortunately for that region, and the safety of republican principles,

and educated, if we mistake not, within sound of the bells of Boston and Cambridge ? For our own part, we honor New-England; and we have not been wanting, on occasion, as our readers well know, in the expression of this sentiment. Yet NewEngland is not every thing that is good; she does not stand alone, par excellence; she is not wholly sans reproche; and we cannot altogether applaud that sectional feeling, which would induce one of her sons, like the enthusiastic admirer of roast beef, who ate up the spit, to swallow every thing connected with her history and condition, as in all respects savory and palatable. It is this spirit which our offending contributor rebukes, in the annexed hasty response, which has been written and forwarded to us since the article in the North American met the writer's eye, but not in season for its appropriate place, in the department of original papers:

"THERE were several causes which conspired to create a Republic, at the time these United States were born. One cause, and a prominent one, was the increased purity of the Christian Religion, which, when rightly embraced, places man on so high an elevation, that he cannot be a slave; he cannot compromise his conscience; he cannot swear allegiance to a king he does not respect, or worship and appear to countenance, a form of religion he is utterly averse to. The Christian Religion, in its purity, acts on the heart; in its corruptions, it acts chiefly on the outer man. In its purity, it enlightens man as to his own nature; it gives him new views of the earth and the land; it teaches him that he has a higher birth-right than territory and earthly glory. In proportion as these views gain ground, they dimininish the blind love of country. It has been said that the Pilgrims had no idea of a republic. No; but they were led on by general principles that could not fail to establish one.

'Another cause was the invention of Printing, which scattered thought in the world, and sowed seeds of knowledge, that brought forth, some an hundred fold, and some fifty. The FIFTY was love of liberty, which lies almost first in the strata of ideas that nature piles up in every man, ready for use, will he but take the trouble to examine this natural wealth, of which Thought is the treasurer. The two causes mentioned, combined with distance from the land of thrones, which left them free to act, gave birth to Freedom. A republic came up, emerged from the womb of Time, with irrepressible energy, as the strong plant shoots out of the earth, pushing aside the dross and dead weeds that would encumber it.

'If republics are founded on such principles, to continue, they must adhere to all modifications of them. (Indulgent Reader, bear with us for a moment: we do not pretend to special sanctity; we do not intend to stuff you with assumptions and pretensions - but we mean what we say, and feel interested in this matter.) When it is time for a wide, free government to exist, it is time for men to cherish humble views of themselves, and kind feelings for others. A charity, a philanthropy, never so broad, must be the basis of a permanent republic. If all men govern, all men must agree to love each other in differences. What self-discipline, what watchfulness must nurture and bring out such liberality? What contentions with our selfishness and petty pride what denial of the passions, and correction of prejudice, must pre cede such a result?

'The enemies of liberty are still in doubt whether a republic can exist; and they excuse their doubts, by pointing to our stormy debates and violent animosities. They ground their hopes of our dissolution upon our sectional feeling. But in proportion as we become an intellectual people, so much is our faith assured. We include in intellectual feeling, religious feeling, which is the best prompter of thought, in all the operations of mind, running through them like a golden-sanded river; in plenty and

full flow, an ornament and glory, and in poverty and drought, unfolding hidden treasures. For liberty, being the gift of God, a gift that can only be claimed and enjoyed by Thought, every new thinker strengthens the ramparts against error, and lessens the danger of relapse, either from internal foes, or foreign invasion. But who is to be considered the intellectual man for this great purpose? Is a mere reader and collector of facts, the student of languages, the follower of abstruse science, such? Not necessarily. Though he have the gift of tongues, and though he understand mysteries, and have all faith, and have not charity, he is but a sounding brass and tinkling cymbal. The intellectual man for our purpose, must be one who, by some means, it matters not by what, has been raised into respect for himself—that is his nature and for truth. Some may attain it by solitary thought, as they plough the land or the sea, without the aid of books. Some gain it by sorrow and bitter experience. Many have it written on their hearts by the pen of nature, ever drawing lines on the soul. We may remark here, that it is highly desirable that a distinction should be made between mere learning, or the improper application of learning, and sense. The world has been long enough under the influence of the opinions of men whose only claim to being heard, is, the knowing of something people in general do not know.

'Indeed, it is true, that the great danger which threatens us, is a narrow sectional feeling narrow in this age and in this country. It is natural that every man should love his home. The land of our birth, the haunts of childhood, the church in which we were christened, and the grave-yards where our friends and kindred lie buriedtender recollections! This is the by-play of the religious nature. Such thoughts purify us; they spiritualize us; and, if we do not grow maudlin, these very tendernesses invigorate to strong action, and put us in train to act nobly for others. But this is not sectional feeling. We will show you some of it. You will see a strong dash of it in the April number of the North American Review, art. 1x. We speak of this periodical with a kind of educated respect. We read it before we understood it, as we did the Bible, because it looked so neat and good, and because, too, its fine periods charmed our musical ear. But all this only creates the more pain and surprise, that it should prove the very charges it would refute. The writer of the article referred to, seems to undertake to prove that New-England is all perfection; that nothing exists within her boundaries that should not; that all who dare to think to the contrary, are entitled to no sort of credit. If they entertain any views contrary to this imaginary perfection, they must either be the result of ignorance, malice, or of a head half crazed by unexpected good fortune at the west.

We would acknowledge that the article in question is written with a power and force that, at first view, would seem to disarm all objection. There is an aptness of style to the subject, a choice of facts and arguments, and a lofty forgiveness, a pitying kind of condescension, that if it were felt, must touch a heart of stone. There are appeals to this very sectional feeling, that works in the weak hearts of us all; and truth is so adroitly mingled up with error, that we confess we feel almost ashamed that we ever said, 'There is an aristocracy—a petty aristocracy—in New-England; a family pride, select circles, upper and lower class doctrine, at war with the spirit of our institutions, and the general advancement of that section in intelligence, manners, and refinement.' This is true. There are reasons for it. At the time of the revolution, that an aristocracy existed, no one doubts. Principles may change; habits are not so easy of eradication. In a single hour or minute, a man may be convinced that he is wrong, and it may take him years to conform his conduct to his principles. In New-England, unfortunately for that region, and the safety of republican principles,

and in all the eastern states, vestiges of this aristocracy exist. Virginia is notorious for old families, who are as stately and exclusive as the large family coach-horses. If the thraldom of habit is true in individuals, much more is it true in communities, which are slower in their movements and reforms. Beside, prosperous communities are constantly tending to aristocracies. The wealthy, in the acquisition of their fortunes, have lost sight, been dazzled out of sight, of the common things of earth; they have grown proud and exclusive, by the sight of the servility and poverty which serves them; they have been pushed and flattered into self consequence, by the designing and wary, for their own purposes. Behold an aristocracy! - men unmindful of the public wants, their own political duty, and insensible to all impressions, but those of their own grandeur and importance.

'But eastern people read. The literature of England has been the food for this people. The female mind, which has so much to do with the laws of society, has been crammed with the fashionable novels of England. Can these things be without their effect? Why, we ask, is Miss Sedgwick's 'Poor Rich Man, and Rich Poor Man' so much read and caressed? Because it is a novelty, a curiosity. It is because it is written in a republican spirit. We are surprised to find high virtue, noble generosity, and fervent piety, in a cartman. So little do our fashionables and aristocrats know of this class of people, by any actual contact or interchange of sentiment with them, that the book is almost as popular with them as the story of the Brobdignags and Lilliputians used to be with children. Then the poor and the hard working have sentiments, and feel affection and pity, and they show principle, and manly virtue! How new and delightful! And then what a dear, delightful, nice little place they lived in; and how delightful to be poor and good; and Aunt Lottie-dear, good soul—what a pity she was sick!' ete. And this is the slang of admiration.

'Happy would it have been for our country, if such books had formed a larger part of the reading of our children. We have many 'poor rich men,' whose influence is deadly to our principles; and they, for the most part, constitute the accused aristocrats. We have many 'rich poor men,' whose influence and example saves us from the corruptions of wealth and luxury. Happy is the American author, who has so richly benefitted her country in a production which breathes the true spirit of republican freedom and manly independence.

'But farther, our writer places great reliance in his public school system, and says some very pretty things here about their levelling character, at the same time that he shows in his statistics, that 146,539 boys and girls are educated at the public schools at an expense of $439,587,40, while 28,752 boys and girls are educated at private schools, at an expense of $326,642,56. What, we ask, levels down these 28,762 boys and girls? or by what process are the former levelled up to these latter favored sons and daughters of wealth? Our own impression is, (for we boast, with the rest of the world, respectable parentage, now for the sake of the argument,) that it was considered a kind of disgrace to go to the public school. Not in Boston, for the public Latin School educates many of the sons of the rich for college, and contains as many incipient aristocrats as any school in the country. From these combined causes, the example and habits of her ancestry, her literature and system of private instruction, we think we find causes for wide distinctions in society. But then we only take these as collateral evidence to our senses, which show such to be the truth. We do not say these causes do not exist in other parts of our country. There is undoubtedly the greatest inconsistency in the political views and conduct of many American