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as he had right of possession, there should be delivered to him (as to his eldest son) the lands, rents, and revenues of the duchy, that he might enjoy the same in as full a manner as they had been enjoyed by his predecessor Edward the Black Prince. The act then recives, that as he was under age he should have certain persons to act for him; and enacts, that from the 12th of November 1455, the King should have the rents and revenues of the duchy, until the Prince shall attain the age of fourteen, deducting certain sums to be applied to purposes specified in the act.

"But in the year 1759, the council of the Prince presented a petition to the King, complaining that the duchy bad been materially dismembered, and praying that, as his son was Duke of Cornwall, and as such was entitled to the rents of the duchy, he may enjoy those rents and revenues in as complete a manner as they have been enjoyed by any of his predecessors. This petition was moreover stated to be a petition of right-it was discussed in parliament, and with the advice of parliament the King acquiesced in its prayer.

“What," says Mr. Sutton," is the legitimate inference to be drawn from this precedent? Evidently that the King has no prerogative that empowered him to receive those rents; for, if vested with such a prerogative, why make any application to parliament ?"

After stating this and other cases in a strong and perspicuous manner, more especially the precedent in the reign of George II., the subject of this memoir observed, that in bringing forward the present question his Royal Highness was actuated by a laudable motive, which was: "that he might stand well in the eyes of the public; and shew, that if his rights had been duly acknowledged, he should have been no burden to the people; and that his expences, whether incurred prudently or otherwise, would all have fallen upon himself."

He then moved for a committee of enquiry; which

having been seconded by Sir Ralph Milbank, Bart. knight of the shire for the county palatine of Durham, a long debate ensued; when the question was got rid of, by the minister's moving for the "order of the day," so that no final decision took place on the merits. On a division, however, the Chancellor of the Exchequer had only a majority of 57; there being 160 for, and 103 against his proposition.

Soon after this (towards the latter end of 1802), Mr. Sutton was nominated Solicitor-General to the King, on which occasion he underwent the customary ceremony of knighthood; and we find hin acting cordially with the administration at the head of which Mr. Addington (now Lord Sidmouth) had been placed. On the 13th of February 1803, the. Chancellor of the Exchequer, swayed doubtless by late occurrences, moved the order of the day for resolving into a committee of the whole House,

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to take into consideration his Majesty's most gracious message, recommending the present situation of his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales to the attention of the House." On this Sir Thomas Sutton arose, and observed, "that although he ceased to have the honour of being in the service of the Prince of Wales, yet he had the cordial satisfaction of retaining, what to his mind was much more valuable the confidence of his Royal Highness. In stating to the House," continued he, "the sentiments of the Prince of Wales, I am desired to express in the strongest terms his sincere and unfeigned gratitude to his Majesty for the interest he has been

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pleased to take in what regards the dignity and comforts of his Royal Highness's situation, evinced as it has been in the gracious message that has been sent to this House. I am also desired to state in terms no less strong, that his Royal Highness submits with the utmost cheerfulness to the wisdom and justice of the House, which he is convinced will direct their proceedings in whatever resolution they may adopt with respect to the present subject.

"Notwithstanding what has been thrown out, relating to the diversity of legal opinions, I feel no hesitation in still maintaining that the claims of his Royal Highness were too firmly established to be shaken by any opinion which might be brought forward to invalidate them. I am free to assure the committee, that I fear no results from the prosecution of the right, but those which might unfortunately lead to a difference between His Majesty and his eldest son; and it was by that consideration that his Royal Highness was solely influenced.

"I have now, sir, one word more to mention, unconnected with and unauthorised by the Prince. When this subject was submitted last session to the consideration of the House, I then stated, that however great the expences incurred by the heir-apparent had been, it was impossible for any person to say that they had fallen upon the public. Let me now repeat that statement, and I do it with greater confidence, as it is founded in fact. Let those who are inclined to doubt it consider the material difference which exists between the present and former times, between the situation of his Royal Highness and that of his illus trious predecessor! Let them with the past; compare the present let them form a fair estimate between the difference of expenditure arising from the great alteration in the value of money, and the price of provisions! If any gentleman will take the trouble of entering into a comparative review and calculation of these subjects, he will find a satisfactory apology for the debts contracted by the Prince of Wales. Having made these observations, 1805-1806.

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and being impressed with a lively sense of the splendour which should characterize the dignified situation of the heir-apparent, I feel that they will justify me in the vote which I have to give for the proposition submitted to the committee by my right honourable friend."

With this public act of dignified consistency may be said to have closed the political career of the subject of this article; for, on the resignation of Sir Beaumont Hotham in the month of January 1805, he was succeeded by Sir Thomas Manners Sutton, as one of the three Barons of the Exchequer, who soon after enjoyed the satisfaction of beholding a brother nominated archbishop of that see, in which one of his uncles had formerly held a prebendal stall.

CAPTAIN THOMAS MORRIS.

THE character of a soldier, in all ages and countries, has been considered as at once imposing and respectable. Among the fierce Iroquois, the stern Mohawks, and the sprightly Chippawaws, the chief who presides in peace directs also in war, and acts both as a judge and a military leader. In a more polished state of society, we witness nearly the same union of professions, and delight to behold the senators of Athens and of Rome throwing off the dress of the warrior, to assume that of the magistrate.

In our own parliament we possess legislators who have distinguished themselves alike in the senate and the field; and many of our country gentlemen, who as lords of manors would have been summoned thither a mong

among the lesser barons in a former age, after serving in the militia, the navy, and the army, in the present still continue to take a respectable part in public affairs, by gratuitously enforcing the statutes in their own immediate vicinity.

Every British officer cannot indeed assist either in the formation or administration of the laws of their country; and it must be confessed that the idea of withdrawing from the service must prove irksome, if the evening of life be not cheered by some occupation or amusement that will remove the languor incident to declining health, afford comfort to the mind which has at length taken refuge from the bustle of the world in retreat, and furnish solace to the wounded spirit, unable perhaps to obtain the consolation of relatives who may be distant, or of friends who are no more.

The present critical and unsettled state of Europe, by proving unpropitious to education, threatens greatly to abridge the circle of human happiness. Every man-nay every boy is a soldier. Young soldiers too are unfortunately now in vogue; and in respect to this numerous and useful class of cirizens, a worse than Cimmerian darkness threatens to involve their minds in eternal night. In the old school, many of the officers of the army had been members of our universities, and wore the academic gown, before they were clothed in regimentals. Long intervals of peace enabled them to refresh their minds by foreign travel, and even in the camp they did not disdain to mingle study with the profession of arms. But France,

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