given time to the gallant English General, Sir Guy Carleton (now Lord Dorchester), to collect his forces, and defy the menaces of these audacious invaders, they found themselves obliged to wait the arrival of Montgomery, who was expected from the upper country. This able leader made his appearance towards the close of December; his force, however, was not much superior to that of Colonel Arnold, except in artillery. When these two adventurous commanders had united their means, they found they were indeed small; but, on the other hand, they were all they had to expect! It was the dead of winter; they must either conquer or retreat, and that too without delay. In the mean time, Mr. Burr attached himself to General Montgomery in quality of aide-de-camp, and the issue of their assault upon Quebec is well known. His commander and two officers of the staff were killed in the action, Arnold was wounded, and near half the troops were made prisoners in the town. The remainder retreated in confusion, but formed and fortified their little camp immediately in the neighbourhood of the place, where they still kept up a menacing countenance the rest of the winter. Mr. Burr remained with the northern army, sharing all its fortunes; which, during the next campaign of 1776, were rather honourable than brilliant. During this time he rose to the rank of lieutenantcolonel. But he with his fellow-soldiers had only to wait the succeeding year of 1777 for the turning of the scale. Burr Burr then served in the army of Gates, and was present at the action of Saratoga, in which his old chief Arnold acted so splendid a part; and which was followed by the capture of a whole British army under Burgoyne. After this Colonel Burr returned to his native. state, New Jersey, with that part of the northern army which came to the aid of Washington during his operations in 1778 and 1779. While there, he performed some exploits as a partizan, but of no great moment in the general result of the national contest. war. Some time in the year 1779 he left the army (for what particular reason we have not learned) and went to study law under Mr. Hosmer, of Connecticut. He never aftewards resumed his military profession; but, having adopted one that requires more words and less blows, he commenced his practice in the city of New York at the close of the' And that no means might be wanting to enable him to serve his country in every duty of a good citizen, he married about the same time a very amiable woman. She was a young widow, the relict of General Provost, a British officer, who had served and died in Florida. This lady did not live many years after her second alliance: however, she left Mr. Burr one child, a daughter, now married to Mr. Allston, of South-Carolina. She at the same time bequeathed to his care a son by her former husband,' to whom Mr. Burr has the merit of having given a A a 2 good good education; and young Mr. Provost is in a fair way to make an useful citizen, by doing honour at once to his step-father and to his country, We now proceed to follow Mr. Burr in his political career; the whole of which, from begin. ning to end, is worthy of record, although he is still in the full vigour of life, and but fifty years of age. New York had been for the last seven years of the war in the hands of the English. In no city or town of America had the revolution made such a complete sweep of public men and prominent characters, especially in the profession of the law. Most of the advocates, eminent there before the war, had adhered to the withdrawn to England. royal cause, and were now Some had taken arms for the country, and perished in the conflict; others had been promoted to high judicial functions or other public stations, which precluded them from returning to the bar. In this fortunate situation of affairs a new and young man, of good talents, coming into the city with the tide of returning popu lation, and at the exhilarating moment of peace, was sure to rank according to his ostensible merits; and Mr. Burr, whose knowledge of the world had taught him a confidence in himself, and whose eloquence was of the brilliant and insinuating kind, was no sooner seen and heard in a court of justice, than he was recognized as standing either at or near the head of his profession. The The Ex-Vice-President, doubtless, might have enriched himself by the practice of law, had he pursued it with diligence, and lived with economy; but he possessed a taste for expence; and we believe some unlucky speculations in lands, or other things foreign to his profession, have kept his fortune in a state of mediocrity, not a little mortifying to himself, ever since he began business. Another circumstance that militated against the accumulation of wealth, was the strong ambition which he evinced to figure in the higher stations of legislation and government; employments which, in that country, can yield no profit. He was early and often elected to the legislative assembly of the state, and several times delegated to congress; and, for a man who had no trace of family connexion in the state where he lived, and who had no fortune either to stand in the place of merit, or to help to set it off, his success in rising to the highest and most confidential posts, is surely no small proof of talent, if not of virtue. In a country where the people are accustomed to reason freely on the principles and practice of government, and where there is no impediment to making or mending the laws, at the volition of the majority, there exists an obvious cause of division into two parties; without ascribing any unworthy motive to the leaders of either. One class of reasoners, from a natural indolence or timidity of temper, discovers infinite inconveniences in a republican form of government; and will accordingly advise the people to withdraw themselves entirely from the ex ercise of their rights, and take refuge in a monarchy, or in some other form that shall place the spring of action out of themselves; thus liberating the great mass of citizens from all manner of care, that of obedience alone excepted. The other class, conscious of more courage and energy in their own minds, and foreseeing the inevitable abuses of power in hands that feel themselves above controul, are eager to inculcate into the people the wisdom of having a constant eye upon their own affairs, the danger of plac ing unlimited confidence in beings to the full as frail and corruptible as themselves, and the necessity of constant caution in the delegation of authority; inferring that it always should be done with prudence, for short periods, and for well defined objects alone. Parties similar to these manifested themselves in England soon after the revolution of 1688, and have since been designated by the distinctive appellations of Whigs and Tories. Not many years of indepen dence had passed over the United States, before we perceive strong traces of the same division of characters there, but disguised under different names. At the head of the federal party (which we should call Tory) were John Adams, Jay, and a number of the celebrated and highly respected leaders of the revolution itself. Among the chief of their opponents was a host of patriots equally distinguished for their talents, and venerated for their virtues; such as Samuel Adams, Jefferson, Clinton, &c. Washington was then at the head of the government; and the federalists, by some dexterous management, which |