am sure, were the noble lords as well the compressive power of the laws. acquainted as I am with but half the The law, then, ought to be equally difficulties and delays, that are every open to all; any exemption to partiday occasioned in the courts of jus- cular men, or particular ranks of men, tice, under pretence of privilege, they is, in a free and commercial country, would not, nay, they could not, oppose a solecism of the grossest nature. this bill. But I will not trouble your lord

I have waited with patience to hear ships with arguments for that which what arguments might be urged is sufficiently evident without any. I against the bill; but I have waited shall only say a few words to some in vain. The truth is, there is no ar- noble lords, who foresee much incongument that can weigh against it. veniency from the persons of their The justice, the expediency of this servants being liable to be arrested. bill is such, as renders it self-evident. One noble lord observes, that the It is a proposition of that nature coachman of a peer may be arrested that can neither be weakened by while he is driving his master to the argument, nor entangled with so- house, and consequently, he will not phistry. Much, indeed, has been be able to attend his duty in parliasaid by some noble lords on the wis-ment. If this was actually to happen, dom of our ancestors, and how dif- there are so many methods by which ferently they thought from us. the member might still get to the

They not only decreed that privi- house, I can hardly think the noble lege should prevent all civil suits lord is serious in his objection. Anofrom proceeding during the sitting of ther noble peer said, that by this bill parliament, but likewise granted pro- they might lose their most valuable tection to the very servants of mem- and honest servants. This I hold to bers. I shall say nothing on the wis- be a contradiction in terms; for he dom of our ancestors; it might per- can neither be a valuable servant, haps appear invidious, and is not ne- nor an honest man, who gets into cessary in the present case. debt, which he is neither able nor

I shall only say that the noble lords willing to pay, until compelled by law. that flatter themselves with the weight If my servant, by unforeseen acciof that reflection, should remember, dents, has got in debt, and I still that as circumstances alter, things wish to retain him, I certainly would themselves should alter. Formerly, pay the debt. But upon no principle it was not so fashionable, either for of liberal legislation whatever, can masters or servants, to run in debt as my servant have a title to set his creit is at present; nor, formerly, were ditors at defiance, while, for forty merchants and manufacturers mem- shillings only, the honest tradesman bers of parliament, as at present. The may be torn from his family and lockcase now is very different; both mer-ed up in jail. It is monstrous injuschants and manufacturers are, with tice! I flatter myself, however, the great propriety, elected members of determination of this day will entirethe lower house. Commerce having ly put an end to all such partial prothus got into the legislative body of ceedings for the future, by passing the kingdom, privileges must be done into a law the bill now under your lordships' consideration.

away.

We all know that the very soul and I now come to speak upon what, inessense of trade are regular pay-deed, I would gladly have avoided, ments; and sad experience teaches had I not been particularly pointed at us, that there are men, who will not for the part I have taken in this bill. It make their regular payments without has been said by a noble lord on my left

hand, that I likewise am running the that it was said, that privilege prorace of popularity. If the noble lord tected members even in criminal acmeans by popularity, that applause be- tions: nay, such was the power of stowed by after-ages on good and popular prejudices over weak minds, virtuous actions, I have long been that the very decisions of some of struggling in that race-to what pur- the courts were tinctured with this pose, all-trying time can alone deter-doctrine. It was undoubtedly an mine; but if that noble lord means abominable doctrine: I thought so that mushroom popularity, which is then, and think so still; but, neverraised without merit, and lost without theless, it was a popular doctrine, and a crime, he is much mistaken in his came immediately from those who are opinion. I defy the noble lord to called the friends of liberty-how depoint out a single action in my life, servedly, time will show. True liwhere the popularity of the times ever berty, in my opinion, can only exist had the smallest influence on my de- when justice is equally administered terminations. I thank God I have a to all-to the king and to the beggar. more permanent and steady rule for Where is the justice, then, or where my conduct-the dictates of my own is the law, that protects a member of breast. Those that have foregone that parliament more than any other man pleasing adviser, and given up their from the punishment due to his mind to be the slave of every popular crimes? The laws of this country impulse, I sincerely pity: I pity them allow of no place nor employment to still more, if their vanity leads them be a sanctuary for crimes; and where to mistake the shouts of a mob for I have the honour to sit as a judge, the trumpet of fame. Experience neither royal favour nor popular apmight inform them, that many, who plause shall ever protect the guilty. have been saluted with the huzzas of I have now only to beg pardon for a crowd one day, have received their having employed so much of your execrations the next: and many, who lordships' time; and am sorry a bill, by the popularity of the times have fraught with so good consequences, been held up as spotless patriots, has not met with an abler advocate; have, nevertheless, appeared upon the but I doubt not your lordships' deterhistorian's page, where truth has tri- mination will convince the world, that umphed over delusion, the assassins a bill, calculated to contribute so of liberty. Why, then, the noble much to the equal distribution of juslord can think I am ambitious of pre- tice as the present, requires with your sent popularity, that echo of folly and lordships but very little support. shadow of renown, I am at a loss to determine. Besides, I do not know that the bill now before your lordships will be popular; it depends much upon the caprice of the day. It may not be popular, to compel people to pay their debts; and in that case the On the 20th of January 1775, the present must be a very unpopular bill. plan of absolute coercion being reIt may not be popular, neither, to take solved upon by the ministry, Lord away any of the privileges of parlia- Dartmouth, the secretary of state for ment; for I very well remember, and America, laid before the Peers the many of your lordships may remember, official papers belonging to his dethat not long ago, the popular cry was partment, when Lord Chatham, though for the extension of privileges; and sinking under bodily infirmities, made so far did they carry it at that time, the following powerful effort before

107. Lord CHATHAM'S Speech for the immediate removal of the troops from Boston in America.

the die was finally cast, to avert the will give it unremitting attention. I calamity, the danger, and the ruin, will knock at the gates of this sleepwhich he saw 'impending : ing and confounded ministry, and

Too well apprised of the contents will, if it be possible, rouse them to of the papers, now at last laid before a sense of their danger. The recall the house, I shall not take up their of your army I urge as necessarily lordships' time in tedious and fruit- preparatory to the restoration of your less investigations, but shall seize the peace. By this it will appear that you first moment to open the door of re- are disposed to treat amicably and concilement; for every moment of equitably, and to consider, revise, and delay is a moment of danger. As I repeal, if it should be found necessary, have not the honour of access to his as I affirm it will, those violent acts majesty, I will endeavour to transmit and declarations which have dissemito him through the constitutional nated confusion throughout the emchannel of this house, my ideas of pire. Resistance to these acts was neAmerica, to rescue him from the mis-cessary, and therefore just and your advice of his present ministers. vain declarations of the omnipotence America, my lords, cannot be re- of parliament, and your imperious conciled, she ought not to be re- doctrines of the necessity of submisconciled to this country, till the troops sion, will be found equally impotent of Britain are withdrawn from the to convince or enslave America, who continent; they are a bar to all con- feels that tyranny is equally intolerafidence; they are a source of perpe-ble, whether it be exercised by an intual irritation they threaten a fatal dividual part of the legislature, or by catastrophe. How can America trust the collective bodies which compose you with the bayonet at her breast? it. The means of enforcing this How can she suppose that you mean thraldom are found to be as ridiculess than bondage or death? I there-lous and weak in practice as they are fore, my lords, move, that an humble unjust in principle. Conceiving of address be presented to his majesty, general Gage as a man of humanity and most humbly to advise and beseech understanding; entertaining, as I ever his majesty, that, in order to open the must, the highest respect and affection way towards a happy settlement of for the British troops, I feel the most the dangerous troubles in America, anxious sensibility for their situation, it may graciously please his majesty pining in inglorious inactivity. You to transmit orders to general Gage may call them an army of safety and for removing his majesty's forces from defence, but they are in truth an army the town of Boston. I know not, of impotence and contempt; and to my lords, who advised the present make the folly equal to the disgrace, measures; I know not who advises they are an army of irritation and to a perseverance and enforcement of vexation. Allay then the ferment them; but this I will say, that the prevailing in America by removing authors of such advice ought to an- the obnoxious hostile cause. If you swer it at their utmost peril. I wish, delay concession till your vain hope my lords, not to lose a day in this shall be accomplished of triumphurgent, pressing crisis: an hour now antly dictating reconciliation, you delost in allaying ferments in America lay for ever: the force of this counmay produce years of calamity. Ne- try would be disproportionately exertver will I desert, in any stage of its ed against a brave, generous, and uniprogress, the conduct of this momen- ted people, with arms in their hands, tous business. Unless fettered to my and courage in their hearts-three bed by the extremity of sickness, I millions of people, the genuine de

scendants of a valiant and pious an- of that great fundamental maxim of cestry, driven to those deserts by the the constitution, that no subject of narrow maxims of a superstitious ty- England shall be taxed but by his ranny. But is the spirit of persecu- own consent. What shall oppose tion never to be appeased? Are the this spirit, aided by the congenial brave sons of those brave forefathers flame glowing in the breast of every to inherit their sufferings, as they generous Briton? To maintain this have inherited their virtues? Are principle is the common cause of the they to sustain the infliction of the whigs on the other side of the Atlanmost oppressive and unexampled se- tic, and on this; it is liberty to liberty verity, beyond what history has relat- engaged. In this great cause they ed, or poetry has feigned?

-Rhadamanthus habet durissima regna, Castigatque, auditque dolos.

are immoveably allied: it is the alliance of God and nature, immutable, eternal, fixed as the firmament of heaven. As an Englishman, I reBut the Americans must not be cognise to the Americans their suheard; they have been condemned preme unalterable_right of property. unheard. The indiscriminate hand As an American, I would equally reof vengeance has devoted thirty thou- cognise to England her supreme right sand British subjects of all ranks, of regulating commerce and navigaages, and descriptions to one com- tion. This distinction is involved in mon ruin. You may, no doubt, de- the abstract nature of things: prostroy their cities; you may cut them perty is private, individual, absolute: off from the superfluities, perhaps the the touch of another annihilates it. conveniences of life; but, my lords, Trade is an extended and complicatthey will still despise your power, for ed consideration: it reaches as far as they have yet remaining their woods ships can sail, or winds can blow: it and their liberty. What, though you is a vast and various machine. To march from town to town, from pro- regulate the numberless movements vince to province; though you should of its several parts, and to combine be able to enforce a temporary and them in one harmonious effect, for local submission, how shall you be the good of the whole, requires the able to secure the obedience of the superintending wisdom and energy country you leave behind you, in your of the supreme power of the empire. progress of eighteen hundred miles On this grand practical distinction, of continent, animated with the same then, let us rest; taxation is theirs; spirit of liberty and of resistance? commercial regulation is ours. As This universal opposition to your arbi- to the metaphysical refinements, attrary system of taxation might have tempting to show that the Ameribeen foreseen; it was obvious from cans are equally free from legislative the nature of things, and from the control and commercial restraint, as nature of man, and, above all, from from taxation for the purpose of revethe confirmed habits of thinking, nue, I pronounce them futile, frivofrom the spirit of whiggism, flourish-lous, groundless. When your lording in America. The spirit which ships have perused the papers transnow pervades America, is the same mitted us from America, when you which formerly opposed loans, bene- consider the dignity, the firmness, and volences, and ship money in this the wisdom with which the Americountry-the same spirit which rous-cans have acted, you cannot but re ed all England to action at the revo- spect their cause. History, my lords, lution, and which established at a has been my favourite study; and in remote æra your liberties on the basis the celebrated writings of antiquity

have I often admired the patriotism this humiliating, disgraceful necesof Greece and Rome; but, my lords, sity. With a dignity becoming your I must declare and avow, that, in the exalted situation, make the first admaster-states of the world, I know vances to concord, to peace, and to not the people, nor the senate, who happiness. Concession comes with in such a complication of difficult better grace and more salutary effect circumstances, can stand in prefer- from superior power: it reconciles ence to the Delegates of America, superiority of power with the feelings assembled in General Congress at of man, and establishes solid confiPhiladelphia. I trust it is obvious dence on the foundations of affection to your lordships that all attempts to and gratitude. On the other hand, impose servitude upon such men, to every danger and every hazard imestablish despotism over such a pend to deter you from perseverance mighty continental nation, must be in the present ruinous measures: vain, must be futile. Can such a na- foreign war hanging over your heads tional principled union be resisted by by a slight and brittle thread-France the tricks of office or ministerial ma- and Spain watching your conduct, nœuvres? Heaping papers on your and waiting for the maturity of your table, or counting your majorities on errors, with a vigilant eye to Ameria division, will not avert or postpone ca and the temper of your colonies, the hour of danger. It must arrive, MORE THAN TO THEIR OWN CONCERNS, my lords, unless these fatal acts are BE THEY WHAT THEY MAY. To condone away it must arrive in all its clude, my lords, if the ministers thus horrors; and then these boastful mi- persevere in misadvising and misnisters, in spite of all their confidence leading the king, I will not say, that and all their manœuvres, shall be they can alienate the affections of his compelled to hide their heads. But subjects from the crown; but I affirm it is not repealing this or that act of they will make the crown not worth parliament; it is not repealing a piece his wearing. I will not say that the of parchment, that can restore Ame- KING IS BETRAYED, but I will prorica to your bosom: you must repeal nounce, that the KINGDOM IS UNDONE. her fears and resentments, and then you may hope for her love and gratitude. But now, insulted with an armed force, irritated with an hostile array before her eyes, her conces sions, if you could force them, would be suspicious and insecure. But it is more than evident that you cannot force them to your unworthy terms of It has been usual, on similar occasubmission it is impossible: WE sions of public difficulty and distress, ourselves shall be forced ultimately for the crown to make application to to retract let us retract while we this house, the great hereditary councan, not when we must. I repeat it, cil of the nation, for advice and asmy lords, we shall one day be forced sistance. As it is the right of parto undo these violent acts of oppres- liament to give, so it is the duty of sion they must be repealed; you the crown to ask it. But on this day, will repeal them. I pledge myself and in this extreme momentous exifor it, that you will in the end repeal gency, no reliance is reposed on your them I stake my reputation on it: counsels; no advice is asked of parI will consent to be taken for an idiot liament; but the crown, from itself, if they are not repealed. Avoid then and by itself, declares an unalterable

108. Speech of the Earl of CHATHAM, on the subject of employing Indians to fight against the Ame1777.

ricans.

My Lords,