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Glose super Porphyrium et Topica Tullii.
Persius (9 copies).

Comentum Boecii super Predicamenta Ari.
Prosper et Juvencus.

Comentum Boecii super Porphyrium.

Sentencie super decem predicamenta Ari.
Glose super Arismeticam.


Poetria. Sermones Epistole Oratii. Liber Ricardi Pratellensis abbatis, Beda de scematibus et arte metrica. Ode.

Versus Theodorici.

Tractatus de creatione et anima.
Rethorica (8 copies).
Lucanus (5 copies).

Liber de etymologia.
Glose super Reth.

Liber ex dictis plurimorum.
Musica Boecii.
Stacius magnus (4 copies).

Lamentaciones Jeremie glosate.
Musica Boecii.
Stacius parvus (2 copies).

Topica Aristotelis.
Musica Osberni.

Porphyrius cum aliis.
Micrologus Guidonis.

Juvenalis. Glose super Juvenalem. Porphyrius.
Musica Guid 2 is.

Musica Hogerii.

Porphyrius, Briť.
Expositio in Musicam Guidonis.
Juvenalis imperfectus.

Comenta super Topica Tullii.

Comentum super Topica Tullii.
Arismetica bona.
Prudencius et Prosper.

Arismetica Briť.
Juvencus in Romana scriptura.

Glose super Porphyrium (3 copies).
Arismetica glosata.


Glose super Periermenias (2 copies).

Pars Glosarum super Periermenias
Macrobius (10 copies).

Cato. Prosper. Sedulius. Prudentius.

Liber de Sillogismis.
Marcianus Capella.

Arator in uno vol.

Tractatus logice.

Glose in librum divisionum.
Plato et Marcianus Capella.

iiij libri Ovidii magni.
Marcianus Capella. Plato.
Ovid in Ibin, de nuce, de somno, de pulice

Enteticus Johannis Carnotensis.
Marcianus Capella, Samsonis.

in uno vol.

Seneca de declamationibus.
Glose super Ovidium magnum. Plenare

Institutiones Justiniani.
Item alius.

cum multis aliis.

Liber de lege vetus.

Liber de situ Jerusalem. Glose super Platonem et Plato.

Cato glosatus. 1 The names in Italics appear to be those of the original owners of the volumes, who probably gave them to Christchurch.

CHAP. I held to restore the balance. The educational activity of

Christchurch is indicated by its numerous Priscians; five copies, that is to say, of the entire work, and, for those who might despair of traversing, like Odo of Cluny, ‘so vast an ocean', the same number of the portion on Constructions. Plato, whose name appears in both lists, means nothing more than the translation of part of the Timæus by Chalcidius. Boethius the philosopher and Boethius the theologian stand side by side as one personality. Bec, rejoicing in the munificence of Philip, the bishop of Bayeux, exhibits a noteworthy array of the writings of Cicero, for which Canterbury can shew only the De Senectute and the De Amicitia, but boasts, on the other hand, eight Sallusts, three Virgils, four Juvenals, and nine Persiuses,—names wanting in the Norman library. Macrobius, endeared to the Middle Ages by his gossip and the fragmentary character of his lore, is possessed by both foundations, and at Christchurch is more numerous than any other author. The absence from the English catalogue of any of Anselm's writings is remarkable, more especially when taken in conjunction with the presence of his disciple and editor, Richard, abbat of Preaux? No Greek author appears in the library at Bec, a fact from which M. Rémusat is probably justified in inferring that neither Lanfranc nor Anselm possessed any acquaintance with the languages; nor will the presence of a Greek grammar (Donatus grece) at Canterbury tend much to modify such a conclusion. The Nova Logicaappears in the English catalogue in the Topica and the Elenchi Sophistici, but is wanting in the Norman. The Institutes of Justinian appear in both, but the single Codex and Infortiatum shew that the study of the civil law is still


1 Immensum Prisciani transiit transnatando pelagus. Bibl. Cluny, col. 18.

preuve ; et quoique, alors, on passat pour savoir cette langue, quand on en lisait les caractères, nous voyons nulle raison de faire d'An. selme même le plus faible des hellén. istes, parce qu'il croit quelque part que latitude se dit en grec aldros, et donne le mot altéré d'anagogen comme synonyme de contemplatio.' Anselme de Cantorbéry, p. 457.

9 Richardus, abbat of Pratellum in the Provincia Rotomagensis, died 1131. He edited Anselm's commentaries, and himself wrote allegorical interpretations of the prophets, a commentary on Deuteronomy, etc. See Gallia Christiana, xi 837, 838.

3. On dit bien que Lanfranc savait le grec, mais on n'en donne aucune

4 Sec p. 29, and p. 72 note 3.



in its infancy at Bec, and their entire absence at Canterbury CHLAP. I. suggests that it had not yet found favour in this country. The absence again of the Decretum of Gratian would lead us to surmise that the English catalogues could not have been drawn up many years after the half century.

On the whole, it would be difficult to select fairer or more favorable specimens of the literary resources of western Europe in the interval from between the earlier part of the eleventh and the thirteenth century; and as we glance through the scanty array we begin to realise more clearly the position of the scholar at that period, and to understand how little he would be disposed to reject, how eagerly he would welcome, whatever offered itself as an accession to these slender stores, especially when such accessions bore the name of the highest authority that could be found in pagan literature. The catalogue of Christchurch, again, is especially worthy of Catalogue of note, as offering a striking contrast to the extensive catalogue tery of Christconsisting of no less than 698 volumes, -each volume com-century later. prising on the average some ten or twelve distinct works, which we find representing the library of the same foundation little more than a hundred years later'; that is to say, after the introduction of the new learning which we have already described, and the consequent awakening of that literary activity which we must now proceed to trace.

The increasing desire for what gratified either the imagi- Activity of nation or the understanding, and the scantiness of the existing cants favourresources, were not the only circumstances that favoured the new learning. introduction of the new learning. It is round the university of Paris that the earlier history both of the mendicant orders and of the new Aristotle mainly revolves, and it was but two years prior to the prohibition of Gregory ix that events, which none could have foreseen, afforded. the Dominicans a long coveted opportunity. At. Paris, probably, was first exhibited that sudden and surprising change in their demeanour to which we shall have occasion hereafter more

1 See Edwards' Memoirs of Libraries, i 122-135, where the catalogue fills 113 closely printed pages. A few of the volumes of the older library

are to be recognised in this catalogue, but the greater portion have disappeared.

cang at Paris.

Conflict between the University and the Citizens in 1228.

CHAP. 1 fully to refer. The authorities of the university soon became

conscious that the efforts of the Mendicants were being directed quite as much to the aggrandizement of their order as to the common welfare. The spirit which had led St. Paul to term himself the least of the apostles, had been imitated by the Franciscans in styling themselves the Friars

Minor, but their conduct already began to belie the humility The Domini- of their professions, and the Dominicans were evidently at

least equally intent upon the increase of their own authority and power. A special letter on their behalf was addressed to the university by pope Gregory in the year 1227, but with small avail. It became evident that a conflict was impending; when, in the following year, an unexpected turn of events secured to the Dominicans an easy triumph.

The university, like all the other universities of that age, was frequently in collision with the citizens and the civic authorities. Foreigners, young, arrogant, wanton, and imperious, harmonised ill with the native element, often cherishing sullen and unreasoning antipathies. It so happened that a body of the students in a drunken outbreak of more than ordinary licence, had fallen upon some of the townsmen and severely maltreated them. The outcry raised against the whole university was loud and fierce. Queen Blanche, herself, appears to have shared the general feeling of resentment. The city guard were authorised to take vengeance on the offenders, and executed their instructions with a barbarity which we may well believe far exceeded the royal intentions. The real offenders had been of the Picard nation, but the feeling roused was far too fierce to discriminate in its revenge. The students had assembled outside the city walls for their sports when they were suddenly attacked and compelled to take refuge in the city. They were pursued through the streets, the citizens joining in the chase; some were dragged from their places of concealment, among them two clerks of high dignity who were stripped and murdered; others were left for dead. The feelings of the whole university were roused to the highest pitch. A deputation waited on the Queen demanding im



mediate satisfaction. They were met by a haughty refusal, CHAP. I. and professors and scholars alike, stung by the injustice, resolved to quit the city. A simultaneous migration took Retirement place to Rheims, Angers, and Orleans; all lectures were sus-versity from pended; the assemblies were no longer convened'. It was at this juncture that Henry III issued a general invitation to the students to come and settle where they pleased in England. The invitation was responded to by large numbers. Many settled at Oxford, many at Cambridge; and from the narrative of these refugees Matthew Paris learned the details which we have briefly reproduced'.

The Dominicans saw their opportunity and hastened to The opportu; improve it. The secession of the students was resented both by the Domiby the Crown and the ecclesiastical authorities: the former indignant that the newly constituted bodies at Orleans and Angers were daring to confer degrees without the royal sanction; the archbishop aggrieved that the university should have withdrawn from the sphere of his jurisdiction. The Dominicans were warmly welcomed and were empowered to open two schools of theology where, under the leadership of Jordanus, the general of their order, a man eminent alike for his virtues and his talents, their numbers rapidly increased. Such were the circumstances under which Albertus

Magnus, Magnus first began to teach in the neighbourhood of the 2.1280. street that still bears his name. He had already taught with success at Cologne, where Thomas Aquinas had been among his hearers, and his fame, as an expounder of Aristotle, soon drew around him numerous audiences at Paris. It is only when we consider in their true connexion the events that combined at this crisis,—the general craving for fresh learning, the simultaneous introduction of the new philosophy

1 Scholares dispersi vagabantur, consecutus fuit, et per triennium nulla amplius comitia, nullus Magis- publice docuit. Bulæus, III 162. tratus in Academiæ solis.' Bulæus, Considerable difference of statement III 138.

is to be found respecting the date of 2 Ibid, 111 132.

the arrival of Albertus in Paris. 3. •Hocce tempore Albertus Magnus Milman and Hauréau placing it as summa celebritate docebat in platea early as 1228; Ueberweg and the quæ hodie etiam M. Alberti nomen author of the life of Albertus in the præfert (still known as the Rue de Nouvelle Biographie Générale, as late Maitre- Àlbert) missus quippe Lute- as 1245. tiam, anno 1236, Doctoratus apicem


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