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there had been any neglect, fucceeding abbots and infpectors exerted, in fome inftances, an exemplary diligence for its revival and fupport: but, we are told, that from the beginning of the prefent age to this time, all the abbots, in number five, who are diftin&ly named, have kept no account of the profits of this Jarge and rich hospital, and have wholly diverted them to other ufes, according to their pleasure. On account of this enormous and facrilegious fraud, the author of this pamphlet addreffes the Emperor, Jofeph II. befeeching him, as the reformer of the church, to proceed with vigour in his labours of this kind, and particu Jarly in the prefent inftance, to plead the cause and fuftain the rights of the poor who are fo notoriously oppreffed and defrauded.
The pamphlet is introduced by an engraving of a beautiful medallion of the Emperor, intended, it is faid, to eternize, as far as fuch memorials can, the very humane and illuftrious measures, which have been formed by his Imperial Majefty, to prevent all tyranny over confcience, to reftrain fuperftition, and to fupprefs thofe convents of Monks and religious, which are useless to the church and to the ftate. Befide this print, the feveral original deeds, which are added, have alfo engravings of the feals and various fignatures. Concerning the first of thefe deeds, which is the decree of King Dagobert, it is remarked, that it has been preferved entire and unhurt, near, or upwards of, one thousand years.
The fteps taken by the Emperor for reforming the ftate of ecclefiaftical affairs in his dominions, form a very memorable part of the hiftory of the prefent time. This writer refpectfully and earneftly entreats his perfeverance. Among many quotations to the purpose, which appear in this publication, we obferve a faying afcribed to Gregory the Great; "I acknowledge that the Emperor is given or appointed by God, not only to command the foldiers, but also to govern the priests.'
Toward the clofe of this work is added a fhort account of Father Paul, of Venice, extracted from Morery, together with his epitaph, containing a fummary of his moft excellent character; we fuppofe it to be here inferted, as a kind of contrast to the epitaph which immediately fucceeds, being that of Willibrodus Secundus; and which prefents to our view a picture as horrible as the other is amiable.
A farther encomium on Father Paul is here given, from Hayley's poem on hiftory. The lines are tranflated into Latin by (ab amico noftro it is faid) Cape! Lofft.
We conclude that the writer of this pamphlet is a foreigner, but whoever he is, he appears to be a friend to humanity, to juftice, and to liberty: in farther teftimony of which, we muft remark, that at the end of the book is inferted, a form of the oath taken by the abbot of this monaftery, in which, among
other things, he fwears, Hæreticos-PRO POSSE PERSEQUARHeretics I will perfecute as far as I am able, or with all my might. On this expreffion, is given a note, by way of explication, or rather of juft farcafm-That is to fay, I will not follow the doctrine of Chrift, but as far as in me lieth will aƐt unjustly and iniquitously.
Here we take our leave of the prefent publication, with our hearty and fervent wishes for the fuccefs of all just and wellintended endeavours to promote the civil and religious freedom of mankind, in every quarter of the habitable globe.
An English tranflation of the above-mentioned work is publifhed; and will be noticed hereafter.
E XAMEN critique des Voyages, &c. i. e. A critical Examination of the Marquis de Chaftellux's Travels in North America, in which, especially, the Opinion of the Marquis, relative to the Quakers, the Negroes, and Mankind in general, are refuted. By J. P. Briffot de Warville. 8vo. 143 pages. London. 1786.
A fpirited writer here attacks the Marquis de Chaftellux; principally, for having, in the publication of his travels, exposed to ridicule, and grofly mifreprefented, the principles and manners of the people called Quakers; he also endeavours to fhew, that the Marquis's reflections on the flavery of the Negroes, and his thoughts on the condition of mankind, with refpect to the ranks in fociety, are often unjuft. He corcludes his performance with some obfervations on fuch other paffages in the above-mentioned travels, as appeared to him exceptionable.
M. de Warville, in refuting the calumnies which the Marquis has thrown on the Quakers, confiders, and defends, their private character, and expatiates on the ftrict morality which they not only profefs but pra&tife; he difplays to the best advantage their religious and political tenets; and clearly fhews, from the general, undeviating behaviour of that fect, that both their conduct and their principles are quite contrary to the cha racter which the Marquis gives of them.
M. de Warville's language is forcible, his arguments are ftriking, if not always conclufive, and his work is replete with liberal fentiments on religious and political fubjects. His opinions on republican government, and on war, are fuch as merit the confideration of a free people. We fhall tranflate a paffage or two, for the farther fatisfaction of our Readers; fome of whom will pronounce them wild and romantic, while others will admire the fpirit of liberty which guides the pen of their animated author.
Rev. April, 1787.
The true force of a republic,' fays he, confifts in the firm and unfhaken adherence of its members to their liberty and rights. Endowed with this attachment, the republican is fuperior to all other men; animated by it, he encounters and fubdues his enemies; and excited by it, he foon acquires the art of war: as a proof of which, many of the Americans, the greatest part of whom had never before handled a firelock, have become good generals; to whofe great abilities, and excellent qualities, you have yourself [addrefsing the Marquis] paid a juft tribute of praife.
I firmly believe,' continues our Author, the art of war to be friendly to ariftocracy alone; and therefore it ought to be profcribed in republican governments. I fhall not indulge myfelf in thofe declamations, for the ufe of which, when treating this fubject, philofophers have been juftly blamed. The facts I bring, in oppofition to you, are supported by evident proofs. When the art of war becomes a fcience, an additional body of men, fome of whom are conftantly employed in teaching, and the reft in learning it, is established; and thefe become a burden to the community, because, as they neither cultivate the country, nor are employed in manufactures, or trade, the people at large muft maintain them.
Military men, as a feparate body, look on themfelves as fuperior to the reft of the nation; they are apt to defpife their fellow-citizens, especially thofe of a more peaceable difpofition. Falle notions are advanced ;-one party is rendered infolent, the other is vilified.
In a republic, every individual ought to be brave; he muft be born a defender of his country, born a foldier, and no other military men ought to be permitted in the ftate.
A republic ought to be as careful in not admitting perpetual military power, as they fhould be in guarding against perpetual magiftrates, or legiflators. Perpetuity in office is the fource of war, and of corruption; and confequently, of defpotifm.'
Thefe thoughts are curious, and uncommon; and they afford a fair fpecimen of the Author's republican principles, while, at the fame time, they demonftrate the general benevolence of his difpofition, and his zeal for the common rights of mankind, as fellow-citizens of a free community. But, while he thus manifefts his penchant for republicanifm, we think he does not per fectly agree with his good friends the Quakers, who always ap peared, to us, to have been sturdy friends to monarchy: we do not, however, mean defpotifm, but that fpecies of monarchical government, which grows and flourishes beft in the English foil.
The objections which he makes to the work published by the Marquis, being, for the moft part, well fupported, cannot, we imagine, be easily anfwered. Should the travelled Academician attempt a reply, he will find his abilities talked to the utmost.
A tranflation of the travels of the Marquis de Chaftellux, by an Englishman,' bath appeared; and if we may judge by a glance of the eye, over the great number of notes that are added, the work hath received much improvement by the tranflator: but of this we fhail know more, when we have perused the whole of this North American Journal. R— m
II. Nouvelles Vues fur l'Adminiftration des Finances: i. e. New Confiderations on the Adminiftration of the Finances, and on leffening the Weight of Taxation. By M. Hocquart de Coubron. 8vo. Printed at the Hague, 1785. Sold by Payne, &c. London.
The Author of these confiderations propofes, in lieu of all cuftoms, duties, &c. at prefent laid on merchandice, and goods of all forts, a general tax on the retail of every article of convenience and luxury, of one tenth of the price of the goods. He excludes, as improper objects of taxation, every article neceffary for the fupport of life; and fuch as are the produce of agriculture or induftry. He would have the retailer to be the collector. of this tax, and to be accountable for it to government, at ftated times, yearly or half yearly. M. de Coubron eftimates the annual produce of this tax at 800 millions of livres, making the whole return of the retail traders in France to be 8000 millions. Although he fhews the juftnefs of this cal culation, and the propriety of the plan, yet it is fubject to fo many objections, and is in itfelf fo vague, that great difficulties muft neceffarily occur in the execution of it, allowing it to be even more productive than the Author fuppofes it. The first difficulty would be to determine what are the conveniences and luxuries of life, and what are the neceffaries. M. de Coubron would tax only conveniences and luxuries, but not the produce of agriculture and induftry; but how can they be feparated? are not the luxuries of life, or the greateft part of them, either the produce of rural or mechanic industry? Wine, and filk, two of the moft confiderable articles of luxury in France, are the produce of both these kinds of induftry: but there would be no end of examples. The great and general objection to the tax here recommended, is, that it is a tax only on the luxuries of life, and not on the neceffaries; for when luxuries and conveniences are taxed, the people may take it into their heads not to indulge themfelves in thefe luxurics; and, confequently, the produce of the tax will be uncertain, and perhaps confiderably deficient; on the contrary, the neceffaries of life are fure, and certain in their confumption, and for that reafon will always afford a certain produce, independent on the whim or inclination of the confumer.
Befide this new fcheme of taxation our Author has added fome obfervations on the gabels, on the balance of commerce, on A a 2
loans, on intereft, and other political and commercial subjects of which M. Necker has amply treated: M. de Coubron, however, does not appear fo thoroughly acquainted with the fubject as M. Necker, on whofe writings he paffes fome ftrictures. There are however several things in this performance which are curious and well worth the confideration of ftatefmen and financiers, especially what the writer offers on the intereft of money, and the proportion which it ought to bear to the value of landed property. R
For APRIL, 1787.
COMMERCIAL TREATY with FRANCE.
Art. 11. Danger at our Doors. An Addrefs to the Freemen of London, and of every corporate Town in the Kingdom, on the unconftitutional and injurious Tendency of the Fifth Article of the Commercial Treaty. By a Liveryman of London. 8vo. IS. French.
HIS liveryman of London compares the prefent treaty with that formed at Utrecht, in order to prove that in the Utrecht treaty there was a faving claufe for the protection of corporation rights, which are now thrown open to French traders, though shut against our own countrymen. If we reply, that the fame privileges that are granted to Frenchmen here, are allowed to Englishmen in France; he rejoins, but let us remember, that an Englishman would ftarve in France, upon what would feast a Frenchman in England.' If there be any thing beyond a vulgar jeft in this affertion, it includes a reproach on our countrymen that unfits them for any commendable exertions, or competition whatever: for if Frenchmen and Scotfmen furpafs us in industry and frugality, the more of each that pour in upon us the better, whatever becomes of those whom they fupplant by thefe laudable qualities.
But our livery man goes on: Is fuch a confideration fit for an Englishman? Where fhould an Englishman fo properly procure fubfiftence, as in his native country? Were the multitude of aliens who now fwarm through this kingdom to depart, no Englishman need vifit a foreign clime for maintenance. Their prefent numbers may convince us how much they covet the participation of our trade, and what we are to expect when the communication is laid open, and Frenchmen are privileged to elbow us out of our feats of bufinefs, and laugh at us for our folly.' If, however, our domeftic trade be of that confequence that is reprefented by intelligent writers, the more foreigners we can naturalize among us, the more our home confumption will be enlarged; and while we increase in population, can it be an object of confideration where the individuals were born? What would this liveryman fay, if he were reproached with being of Dutch or Danish extraction? But the argument is too ridiculous to combat.