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an unexampled degree. It was a common remark among the members, "If Fillmore says it is right, we will vote for it."

The most important measure of a general nature that came up during his service in the State Legislature, was the bill to abolish Imprisonment for Debt. In behalf of that great and philanthropic measure, Mr. Fillmore took an active part, urging with unanswerable arguments its justice and expediency, and, as a member of the committee on the subject, aiding to perfect its details. That portion of the bill relating to justices' courts was drafted by him, the remainder being the work of the Hon. John C. Spencer. The bill met with a fierce, unrelenting opposition at every step of its progress, and to Millard Fillmore as much as to any other man, are we indebted for expunging from the statute book that relic of a cruel, barbarous age, Imprisonment for Debt.

He was elected to Congress in the fall of 1832. The session of 1833-34 will long be remembered as the one in which that system of politics, known under the comprehensive name of Jacksonism, was fully developed. During his first term, Gen. Jackson, and those who filled the high affices of Government, and shaped the policy of the administration, pursued a comparatively cautious course. But the ardeal of the election of 1832, having been passed, the mask was thrown off. The re-election of Gen. Jackson was construed into a popular approval of all his acts, whether committed or only meditated, and then by gross usurpations of executive authority, and unwarrantable exercise of powers constitutionally granted, were perpetrated those gross outrages, which, defended as they were, by an unscrupulous spirit of partisanship, have done more to demoralize and corrupt public sentiment, foster a licentious spirit of radicalism, miscalled democracy, and fill the heart of every patriot with sad forebodings of the future, than all that the open assaults of republican institutions could have done in a century. It was in the stormy session of 1833-4, immediately succeeding the removal of the deposits, that Mr. Fillmore took his seat. In those days the business of the House and debates were led by old and experienced members-new ones, unless they enjoyed a wide-spread

and almost national reputation, rarely taking an active and conspicuous part. Little chance, therefore, was afforded Mr. Fillmore, a member of the opposition, young and unassuming, of displaying those qualities that so eminently fit him for legislative usefulness. But the school was one admirably qualified more fully to develop and cultivate those powers which, under more favorable circumstances, have enabled him to render such varied and important services to his country. As he has ever done in all the stations he has filled, he discharged his duty with scrupulous fidelity, never omitting on all proper occasions any effort to advance the interests of his constituents and the country, and winning the respect and confidence of all.

At the close of his term of service he resumed the practice of his profession, which he pursued with distinguished reputation and success, until, yielding to the public voice, he consented to become a candidate, and was re-elected to Congress in the fall of 1836. The remarks above made in relation to his service in the 23d Congress will measurably apply to his second term. Jacksonism and the pet bank system, had in the march of the "progressive Democracy," given place to Van Burenism and the Sub-Treasury. It was but another step towards the practical repudiation of old republican principles and an advance to the locofocoism of the present day. In this Congress Mr. Fillmore took a more active part than he did during his first term, and on the assembling of the next Congress, to which he was reelected by a largely increased majority, he was assigned a prominent place on what, next to that of Ways and Means, it was justly anticipated would become the most important committee of the House-that on elections. It was in this Congress that the famous contested New Jersey case It would swell this brief biographical sketch to too great a length to enter upon the details of that case, and it is the less necessary to do so, inasmuch as the circumstancess of the gross outrage then perpetrated by a party calling itself republican, and claiming to respect State rights, must yet dwell in the recollection of every reader.

came up.

The prominent part which Mr. Fillmore

majority whose enlightened patriotism has rarely been equalled, and never surpassed, succeeded in its accomplishment.

The measures he brought forward and sustained with matchless ability, speedily relieved the government from its embarrassment, and have fully justified the most sanguine expectations of their benign influence upon the country at large. A new and more accurate system of keeping accounts, rendering them clear and intelligible, was introduced. The favoritism and

took in that case, his patient investiga- | tion of all its complicated, minute details, the clear, convincing manner in which he set forth the facts, the lofty and indignant eloquence with which he denounced the meditated wrong, all strongly directed public attention to him as one of the ablest men of that Congress, distinguished as it was by the eminent ability and statesmanship of many of its members. Public indignation was awakened by the enormity of the outrage, and in that long catalogue of abuses and wrongs which roused a long-peculation, which had so long disgraced suffering people to action, and resulted in the signal overthrow of a corrupt and insolent dynasty in 1840, the New Jersey case stood marked and conspicuous.

On the assembling of the next Congress, to which Mr. Fillmore was re-elected by a majority larger than was ever before given in his district, he was placed at the head of the committee on Ways and Means. The duties of that station, always arduous and responsible, were at that time peculiarly so. A new administration had come into power, and found public affairs in a state of the greatest derangement. Accounts had been wrongly kept, peculation of every kind abounded in almost every department of the government, the revenue was inadequate to meet the ordinary expenses, the already large existing debt was rapidly swelling in magnitude, commerce and manufactures were depressed, the currency was deranged, banks were embarrassed, and general distress pervaded the community. To bring order out of disorder, to replenish the national treasury, to provide means that would enable the government to meet the demands against it, and to pay off the debt, to revive the industry of the country, and restore its wonted prosperity--these were the tasks devolved upon the committee of Ways and Means. To increase their difficulties, the minority, composed of that party that had brought the country and government into such a condition, instead of aiding to repair the evil they had done, uniformly opposed almost every means brought forward for relief, and too often their unavailing efforts were successfully aided by a treacherous Executive. But with an energy and devotion to the public weal, worthy of all admiration, Mr. Fillmore applied himself to the task, and, sustained by a

the departments and plundered the treas ury, were checked by the requisition of contracts. The credit of the government was restored, ample means were provided for the exigencies of the public service, and the payment of the national debt incurred by the former administration. Commerce and manufactures revived, and prosperity and hope once more smiled upon the land. The country even yet too keenly feels the suffering it then endured, and too justly appreciates the beneficent and wonderful change that has been wrought, to render more than an allusion to these matters necessary. The labor of devising, explaining, and defending measures productive of such happy results, was thrown chiefly on Mr. Fillmore. He was nobly sustained by his patriotic fellow Whigs; but on him, nevertheless, the main responsibility rested.

After his long and severe labors in the committee room-labors sufficiently arduous to break down any but one of an iron constitution--sustained by a spirit that nothing could conquer, he was required to give his unremitting attention to the business of the House, to make any explanation that might be asked, and be ready with a complete and triumphant refutation of every cavil or objection that the ingenious sophistry of a factious minority could devise. All this, too, was required to be done with promptness, clearness, dignity, and good temper. For the proper performance of these varied duties few men are more happily qualified than Mr. Fillmore. At that fortunate age when the physical and intellectual powers are displayed in the highest perfection, and the hasty impulses of youth, without any loss of its vigor, are brought under control of large experience in public affairs, with a

mind capable of descending to minute details, as well as conceiving a grand system of national policy, calm and deliberate in judgment, self-possessed and fluent in debate, of dignified presence, never unmindful of the courtesies becoming social and public intercourse, and of political integrity unimpeachable, he was admirably fitted for the post of leader of the 27th Congress.

Just before the close of the first session of this Congress, Mr. Fillmore, in a letter addressed to his constituents, signified his intention not to be a candidate for reelection. He acknowledged with gratitude and pride the cordial and generous support given him by his constituents, but the severe labor devolved upon him by his official duties demanded some relaxation, and private affairs, necessarily neglected in some degree during several years of public service, called for attention. Notwithstanding his declaration to withdraw from the station he filled with so much honor and usefulness, the convention of his district, unanimously, and by acclamation, re-nominated him, and urgently pressed upon him a compliance with their wishes. Mr. Fillmore was deeply affected by this last of many proofs of confidence and regard on the part of those who had known him longest and best; but he firmly adhered to the determination he had expressed, and at the close of the term for which he was elected, he returned to his home, more gratified at his relief from the cares of official life, than he had ever been at the prospect of its highest rewards and honors. But though keenly enjoying the freedom from public responsibilities, and the pleasures of social intercourse in which he was now permitted to indulge, the qualities of mind and habits of systematic, close attention to business, that so eminently fitted him for a successful Congressional career, were soon called into full exercise by the rapidly increasing requirements of professional pursuits, never wholly given up. There is a fascination in the strife of politics, its keen excitements, and its occasional, but always tempting brilliant triumphs, that, when once felt, few men are able to resist so completely as to return with relish to the comparatively tame and dull occupations of private life. But to the calm and equable tem

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perament of Mr. Fillmore, repose, after the stormy scenes in which he had been forced to take a leading part, was most grateful. He had ever regarded his profession with affection and pride, and he coveted more the just, fairly-won fame of the jurist, than the highest political distinction. He welcomed the toil, therefore, which a large practice in the higher courts imposed upon him, and was as remarkable for the thoroughness with which he prepared his legal arguments, as he was for patient, minute investigation of the dry and difficult subjects it was so often his duty to elucidate and defend in the House of Representatives.

In 1844, in obedience to a popular wish too strong to be resisted, he reluctantly accepted the Whig nomination for Governor. The issue of that conflict has become history, and though deeply pained at the result, he was only so in view of the national calamities that he foresaw would follow the defeat of the illustrious statesman and patriot, Henry Clay, who led the Whig host.

For his own defeat, Mr. Fillmore had no regrets. He had no aspirations for the office, and with the failure of his election, he trusted would end any further demand upon him to serve in public life.

In 1847, a popular call, similar to that of '44, was again made upon him, to which he yielded a reluctant assent, and was elected Comptroller of the State, by a majority larger than had been given to any State officer at any former election in many years. There were some peculiar causes that contributed to swell his majority at that election, but, independent of them, there can be no doubt that the general conviction of his eminent fitness for the office, would, under any circumstances of the opposing party, have given him a great and triumphant vote. That such evidence of the confidence and esteem of his fellowcitizens was gratifying to his feelings, cannot be doubted, but few can justly appreciate the sacrifices they impose. The duties of his present office could not be discharged without abandoning at once and foreverfor who ever regained a professional standing once lost?-a lucrative business which he had been years in acquiring, nor without severing all those social ties, and breaking up all those domestic arrangements,

which rendered home happy, and bound him to the city where the best portion of his life had been spent. Yet feeling that the State had a right to command his services, he cheerfully submitted to its exactions, and on the first of January last removed to Albany, where he has since resided, displaying in the performance of the duties of his arduous and responsible office, the high ability and thorough attention which have always characterized the discharge of all his public trusts.

Such was the boy, and such is the man, whom the Whigs present as their candidate for Vice President of the United States. In every station in which he has been

placed, he has shown himself "honest, capable and faithful to the Constitution." He is emphatically one of the people. For all that he has and is, he is indebted, under God, to his own exertions, the faithful performance of every duty, and steadfast adherence to the right. Born to an inheritance of comparative poverty, he struggled bravely with difficulties that would have appalled and crushed a less resolute heart, until he has, by no base means, reached a proud eminence which commands the admiration of his countrymen. Nobly has he won his laurels, and long he live to wear them.

may

SUMMER AFTERNOON,

IN MY STUDY.

THE ailanthus spreads, beneath mine eaves,
Its palmy shoots of slender stem,
And, in its shade, the jasmine weaves

Its vines with many a golden gem;

And, drooping twice beneath its fruits, The modest fig, imploring place, Sends freely forth a thousand shoots,

That meekly fill beneath the space.

These, as the western zephyr steals
With searching wing among their holds,
The bright glance of the sun reveals,

In mystic twines and mazy folds.

His milder rays admitted gleam, Beneath their leaves, upon my floor, In golden patines, each that seem

To make the wealth of earth look poor.

How, from the embodied volume lifts

The weary eye, with study sad, Glad, that in place of mortal gifts,

Oh! to its shelf consign the book;
Why toil when slumber's self is life,
And on the smile refuse to look,
Which soothes the grief, and stays the
strife!

The heart, though doomed to doubts that pain,

May still some respite take from care; And in repose, not wholly vain,

Forget the daily toils that wearThat wear, and rex, and would destroy, But that some blessed glimpses come, To cheer, with unexpected joy,

The soul that only dreams of doom.

The leaf that floats before mine eye,

The vine that waves so meekly bright, The breeze that wantons fitfully,

With flow'rs that murmur to the sight

These have a voice for human care, And still to sweet submission move,

Some smiles of heaven would make it When human lips no more can cheer,

glad.

And human hearts have ceased to love! W. G. S.

THE REVOLUTION IN GERMANY.

THE last eight centuries, in all their course, have witnessed no grander event than the revolution now taking place in Germany. Forty millions of people, living under almost as many confederated sovereignties, most of them despotic in form, and all of them in practice, have risen as one man to claim their place among the enfranchised nations. The whole length and breadth of the land, from the Baltic to the Alps-from the Rhine to the Vistula, is free. This mother of nations, out of whose woods anciently came the British Constitution; which first established the free faith of Christianity; which invented the art of printing; which achieved the Protestant Reformation; which, having asserted earliest, has also carried farthest the independence of modern philosophy, will at last enjoy, for herself, those civil and political blessings which she has contributed so much towards establishing for others.

The German, who now casts his vote for the new Emperor of his country, will perform an act such as he has not done since the days when, a freeman, he assisted his brothers in arms in electing their chief by raising him on their shields. And between these two events, what events have intervened! To the state of semi-barbarous independence, described in the Germania of Tacitus, succeeded the heavy burden of the feudal monarchy. Under this weight of oppression, relieved, indeed, by the noble institutions of chivalry, the beautiful sentiments fostered by a law of orders in the state, the elegant arts of what might well be termed the ornamental, not the dark ages, the German people lived, up to the period of the first French revolution, with hardly an effort to shake it off. The only exceptions were the establishment of the Free Cities, and the attempted revolution, known as the War of the Peasants.

The Protestant Reformation aimed to secure the freedom of the mind, not that of the body. But the lower classes of the

VOL. II. NO. IV. NEW SERIES.

23

people, at that period, having been taught by the reformers to rebel against the despotism of the Popish hierarchy, were not satisfied with a liberty which left the person in bondage; and they made an attempt accordingly to free themselves from the oppression of their civil rulers also. The Peasants' War, as little as its history is known or regarded, was the first great popular movement in favor of equal civil rights, made in modern Europe. A century before the English revolution, a cry was raised in behalf of human rights by the peasantry beyond the Rhine, then newly instructed in the republican principles of Christianity, in substance almost the same as that recently heard in France and Germany. But this feeble voice of oppressed humanity was soon drowned in the clangor of feudal arms. The lords and princes gained an easy victory over these first champions of popular freedom, poorly supplied, as they were, with both arms and counsels; and the peasant, severely scourged, returned to his hewing of wood and drawing of water for three hundred years thereafter.

The next contest of the German people for free civil institutions was partially successful, though still premature. In the time of the Protestant Reformation, and the Peasants' War, the van of European reform was led by Germany; but at the period of the French revolution, as the corruption of the governments and higher classes of society in that country had been much less destructive than in France, and the burdens saddled upon the backs of the people had been somewhat less onerous, the countrymen of Luther had fallen into the rear of the march of civilization. The popular movement, therefore, then commenced by an impulse from without, was neither hearty nor general. During the wars of the first French revolution, Germany was divided in sentiment, and was consequently weak. A portion of its inhabitants, captivated by the promises of Gallic republicanism, espoused its cause,.

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