Inductive

character usually present themselves. We observe and note the combinations as well as those which do not occur, and we infer the probable character of future drawings from the proportional frequency of those which usually appear. Anything like absolute certainty is excluded; and as laws are only the observed order in which certain things similar to each other are placed, it is evident that in the last resort our knowledge is a collection of probabilities of more or less force. We need not then be surprised when we are told that under certain conditions "vital force" is a rational hypothesis. Laws of nature are themselves only highly probable hypotheses, and there is no part of physical science in which we can be free from exceptions and outstanding facts, differences and discrepancies of which our present knowledge can give no account. Such a view of Science and of Law cannot be considered satisfactory, but it is the natural result of the author's theory of knowledge. Science is nothing but classification, and classification is the result of generalization. All thought is generalization; for the fundamental fact of thought is the recognition of similarity between different objects. Science is but the detection of identical uniformities in the action of natural agents. All thought and all science are therefore reduced to the detection of similarities and the abstraction of differences. Deductive Reasoning is founded on the principle of inferring of anything what we know of objects that are similar. Reasoning, as the inverse of this process, consists in showing that the consequences of laws or propositions agree with facts ascertained by observation. If we accept these views, it seems manifest the author is right, and that we can have no guarantee of certitude regarding anything. Thought is reduced to the association of one observed likeness with another, and laws of thought, even in the fundamental forms of Identity, Contradiction, and Excluded Middle (or as Prof. Jevons chooses to call it, Duality), merely condition the modes in which the likenesses group themselves in our minds. Thought itself is reduced to a quantity, and its qualitative character is thrown out of account. All things, both in the external world and in the internal, are quantities or measures of quantity, and all our experience can never give us certainty in regard to anything. Even the axioms of mathematics, as founded upon the fundamental laws of thought, are but the order in which we are compelled by the construction of thought to represent relations of quantities. As may easily be believed, Prof. Jevons is able by means of such a purely quantitative view of things and thought to come to the help of the ordinary theology. He is able to show that there is nothing either contradictory or illegitimate in miracles, whether as interferences with the Laws of Nature, or as the results of Higher Laws coming into action at special periods. The uniformity of nature is a mere hypothesis of a more or less probable character, and all the observed uniformities of the past afford no guarantee against the interruption at any moment in the future of the most stable and hitherto unbroken chain of Causes and Effects. Prof. Jevons claims that the philosophy which is founded on his principles will be an affirmative one, "not that false and negative one of Auguste Comte, which has usurped the name

and misrepresented the tendencies of a true positive philosophy":

"Our science will not" (he says) " deny the existence of things because they cannot be weighed and measured. It will rather lead us to believe that the wonders and subtleties of possible existence surpass all that our mental powers allow us clearly to perceive. The study of abstract logical and mathematical forms has seemed to convince me

that even space itself is no requisite condition of conceivable existence."

This may be the appropriate conclusion to a work on The Principles of Science' on the method of Prof. Jevons. But it is questionable if he will thereby commend his method to acceptance. Science has other workwhether it be mental or physical-than to foster a disposition to wild hypotheses, even though they may be conceivable as abstract possibilities. Hitherto, science has been knowledge; now it is presented as ignorance, or, at least, as founded upon ignorance. We only know that we know nothing, would be the fitting motto for the work before us. It is well that we should be enabled to see what is the issue of reducing alike knowledge and existence to quantity. That seems to us the service rendered by Prof. Jevons in his ingenious, able, and acute, but unsatisfactory, 'Principles of Science.'

Romanism in Russia: an Historical Study. By the Count Dmitry Tolstoy. Translated by Mrs. M'Kibbin. With Preface by the Bishop of Moray and Ross. 2 vols. (Hayes.) A HASTY reader of the book now before us might be inclined to believe that the Right Rev. Robert Eden, D.D., Bishop of Moray, Ross, and Caithness, Primus, has committed himself to somewhat questionable doctrine. For, on its very first page we encounter the startling assertion that the Greek Church was "the cradle of the Faith," and the unintelligible statement that "it was not so much the dogmas of the hierarchical order, the spirit and the tendencies of the Greek clergy, which separated Eastern Orthodoxy from Western Romanism" as-we are not told what, but we are led to infer that it was Asceticism and the like. But whoever compares the English version with the French original of Count Tolstoi's work will perceive that the strangeness of these propositions is due merely to the eccentricity of the translation. Count Tolstoi begins his opening chapter with the words "En s'unissant à l'Église grecque qui l'avait enfantée à la foi, la Russie," &c., which the translator has turned into "In uniting herself to the Greek Church, which was the cradle of the Faith, Russia," &c. A few lines further on Count Tolstoi states, with perfect justice, that it was not so much dogma as the hierarchical order and the spirit of the Greek clergy which separated the Eastern from the Western Church. "Ce ne sont pas tant les dogmes que l'ordre hiérarchique, l'esprit et les tendances du clergé grec qui le séparèrent du clergé latin, et par lui l'Orient orthodoxe de l'Occident catholique-romain." These words the translator has utterly misrepresented by those which we have quoted above. Translators are apt to display a great amount of unconscious humour, but "the dogmas of the hierarchical order" is an unusually humorous expression. We have not thought it necessary

to carry farther than the first page our comparison of the original text with the English version, but even a cursory glance at the latter is enough to show that it abounds in what we will charitably assume to be misprints, so that many of the proper names (especially in the earlier chapters) are all but unrecognizable. Count Tolstoi's work, though likely to prove tedious in the extreme to ordinary readers is undoubtedly of great value to students of modern church history, especially to those who occupy themselves with the study of the contest which has been carried on for so many centuries between the Greek and the Roman hierarchies. should strongly advise them to read Count Tolstoi's work in the language in which it was originally written.

But we

A few words on Bishop Eden's Preface may not be amiss. According to him, Philaret, the late Metropolitan of Moscow, was so little inclined to think "that the revival of Intercommunion between the two Churches [of England and Russia] was impossible," that he expressed a deliberate opinion that "the bishops and learned men of the two Churches might be able to reconcile the differences." And, undoubtedly, that might be done, were the Anglican representatives, in the Council convoked for the purpose, ready to concede everything. As for the Russian Church, it will concede nothing of vital importance. Perfect friendship may exist between the two Churches, the most flattering compliments may be freely exchanged between distinguished ecclesiastics of both camps, the most uncompromising hatred of Romanism may sway English as well as Russian minds, but, unless we are greatly mistaken, the Anglo-Catholic will not find himself one step nearer to being "readily admitted to the Holy Eucharist," unless he consents to submit himself entirely to the authority of the Greek Church, and to qualify himself for a certificate of confession and absolution.

TUDOR LONDON.

Civitas Londinum.-Ralph Agas.-A Survey of the Cities of London and Westminster, the Borough of Southwark, and Parts adjacent, in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. Published in fac-simile. With a Biographical Account of Ralph Agas and a Critical and Historical Examination of the Work. By W. H. Overall. (Adams & Francis.)

THE name of Agas, in three or more varieties of spelling, belongs to art. The best known person of the name is Radulph or Ralph Agas, whose map, or, to speak more correctly, bird'seye view of London and Westminster in the reign of Elizabeth, has long been one of the treasures most coveted by those who collect such aids to history and such records of the past. It has also been the admiration of many for whom its purchase, owing to its rarity, was too costly; even so-called copies of the original being often beyond the means of the more modest topographical and historical students. By the process through which Mr. Edward Francis has produced the fac-simile before us, the map is placed within reach of every purchaser. A year's reading about the metropolis of the Tudor days would not convey anything like so good an idea of the capital as an hour spent over this faithful present

ment of the London, not only of Elizabeth but of Shakspeare. You may put your finger on the spot in the Blackfriars, leading down to Puddle Dock, where Shakspeare's house stood the house which he left to his daughter, Susannah Hall,—and thanks for it to Ralph Agas, and to Mr. Edward Francis, the excellence of whose work Agas himself would be the first to acknowledge.

That now celebrated Ralph was a Suffolk man. He was born probably about 1540, for he was in practice as a draughtsman and surveyor in 1560. Contemporary with him, or nearly so, was a kinsman, Robert Agas, who, from 1558 to 1594, was a learned printer, when to be a printer was generally to be a

scholar, and Robert sold the books he printed. His shop was at the west end of St. Paul's Church. The site may be easily made out in this bird's-eye view. Ralph Agas is said to have been distinguished for his maps of various English cities, of which his Cambridge, 1578, was the earliest. Oxford, with views of its colleges, was published in the year of the Armada. His London and Westminster was completed long before he had permission to publish it, and he dedicated it to James the First, from whom Agas received that permission. Agas's design was first engraved on wood, subsequently on copper. The engraving is supposed by some writers to be the work of Ryther, who engraved the plans of the Armada invasion and assisted Saxton in his

maps of Yorkshire, which are embellished in the old fashion by views in the margin. These Yorkshire maps, so creditable to a Yorkshireman who had raised himself from the condition of a domestic servant, are generally held to be the first known (but not the first drawn) in England. They were dedicated to Elizabeth.

Ralph Agas, who seems to have been as much of a land agent and surveyor as anything else, by which he is better known, speaks of himself in an undated document, or advertisement, as "practised in survey more than 40 years." He was evidently also a consulting (or, rather, a consulted) surveyor. Look at the Holborn end of Fetter Lane in this view, and there you see his abode, near the sign of the Helmet,-which was long a favourite sign with booksellers. There, Agas, among other things, taught or practised "Writing small, after the scantling and proportion of copying the Old and New Testament seven times in one skin of parchment, without any word abbreviated or contracted, which may also serve for drawing descriptions of countries into volumes portable into very little cases. A receipt, by me found and prepared, that (by God's help) shall preserve the eye unto the age of ninety or a hundred years." Ralph's busy life was brought to an end in 1621. He was buried at his native place, Stoke Nayland, and Constable has not forgotten Agas when discoursing of his own native Suffolk valley. Mr. Samuel Redgrave's statement, that Ages "practised from 1560 to 1589" may nt be so erroneous as it seems. Agas himself says he had been in practice "forty years," but we are not told by him from what year he Idated its commencement. He may have retired to Suffolk some years before his death. He is entered in the parish registry (1621) as "Ralph Agas, an aged," and he was probably an octogenarian at the time indicated.

In fact, there is no little uncertainty of dates, not only as to the man, but also as to the map and its editions; we have, however, the treasure, and we are not curious as to its exact age. It is not only a picture of London, but of the suburbs, suburbs which are now swallowed up, but which in dirt and ill odours keep their old fresh and fragrant names. St. Giles's, for instance, was then really a village in the fields. You may walk to it from any point of this map; see the chapel of the old leper house converted into the village parish church, and look at the garden wall before which Sir John Oldcastle was executed under "Harry the Fift," andwhere Babyngton and his fellows suffered, more than a score of years after this "card of London" was in the hands of the curious. Again, you may here in fancy take the air, and pick sweet "bank cresses" in then rural Gray's Inn Lane. Aldersgate Street had, perhaps, then lost a little of its old nobility; the occupants of its detached mansions and gardens were not all of the rank of Hotspur, who once had his dwelling there. That pretty bit of road which we still know as Fetter Lane, was then beginning to lose its freshness, mansions were building on its garden grounds, and people were marvelling at the terrible growth of London. Finsbury had in it more of its old name of Fensbury in Agas's time than now, and it was not nice walking near its marshes. Moorfields formed a part of the old Fen. Citizens wanting to go towards Iseldon (Islington) were much obliged to Falconer, the Mayor, who built the postern called Moorgate, and enabled the wayfarer to walk along causeys," over the marshy moor to the then lovely village and meadows of Islington. The was drained in Henry the Eighth's reign, but at the time when Agas drew this map, or picture, the pleasant walks were not laid out, and they were built over in the days of Charles the Second. Milton had often walked in them. In Cripplegate Church, when Agas drew its counterfeit presentment, there already lay many of the noble dead. Round that very fragment of one of the towers of old London Wall, which may still be seen at Cripplegate, one may fancy how, now and then, actors from the Fortune Theatre followed a dead comrade to this ground, and rehearsed their own funerals.

66

moor

clude with Ralph, no better memorial of that accomplished Englishman could have been thought of than the reproduction of this bird's-eye view of London. Prefixed to the view, which is aboye six feet long, conveniently folding into a handsome cover, very portable, is an introduction by Mr. Overall But, as the second paragraph begins with the extraordinary statement with regard to London, that "Her extent even at a comparatively early period exceeded that of Babylon the Great, or Imperial Rome in her palmiest days," we hastily pass on to the valuable and really incomparable view of Tudor London, and invite all readers to follow our example.

The Campaign of 1870-71. Operations of

the First Bavarian Army Corps under General Von Der Tann. Compiled from the Bavarian Official Records by Capt. Hugo Helvig. Translated by Capt. G. S. Schwabe. 2 vols. (H. S. King & Co.) AN official account of a campaign, especially when the author is a German, is generally dry and prolix, and certainly this book cannot be termed light or attractive reading. Still it contains much material that may prove useful for the future historian of the war; and it is, on the whole, written in a spirit of fairness and impartiality. Our readers would not thank us for presenting them with a detailed review of the work before us; we shall, therefore, not attempt anything like a connected narrative of the operations in which Von Der Tann was engaged, but confine ourselves to picking out a few of the most instructive and interesting passages in Capt. Helvig's volumes.

Much stress has been laid on the immense

military advantages to be derived from railways, especially as regards the mobilization of troops and their conveyance to the theatre of war. No doubt the labours of the Bavarian War Office and staff were greatly lightened by the fact that a complete net-work of railways was at their disposal; but we learn from our author that in practice it was found that railway transport at the commencement of a campaign is not without its drawbacks :—

"The losses, during the first days of the operations, from sickness and fatigue were, in fact, disproportionately great. The inevitable disadvantages attending movements by railway now became their various civil employments, and from a state apparent. Most of the men had only just left of profound peace they found themselves suddenly plunged into the irregular life of war, so trying to both the moral and physical powers; for there had been no period of transition during which they might have been gradually inured by a course of drill and military exercise to the hardships they now had to encounter. In former wars, the marches before the actual commencement of operations often lasted for weeks, by which means the weak and sickly were gradually eliminated, and there remained a body of strong and healthy men, equal to any demands. Troops may now be placed on the field of battle within forty-eight hours of leaving their garrison town; and these necessary eliminations are rendered much more striking by their all taking place at once than they would be if gradually spread over a considerable space of time. Another inevitable disadvantage attending transportation by railway was brought to light at the A large number of commencement of this war. those left behind on account of fatigue or foot soreness recovered after a few days' rest; but there was no pause of any duration in the rapid course of the German operations, and, therefore, these convalescents were unable to rejoin their divisions

for a considerable time, and then only after fresh and very great exertions."

Before quitting the subject of railways, we may mention that during the concentration on the frontier, there were despatched, between the 30th of July and 9th of August, by one line, 73 trains; by another line, between the 28th of July and 6th of August, 46 trains; by a third line, between the 28th of July and It would appear 9th of August, 56 trains. that these lines were not worked always up to their full power, for on one line, during three consecutive days, twelve trains were despatched daily.

It has never been urged against the German army that it made war with rose-water. It is, therefore, somewhat amusing to meet with the following passage. On the march to Sedan, the 1st Bavarian Corps suffered sometimes great hardships from the want of wood and straw, with which to make their bivouacs tolerably comfortable. On one occasion, the Bavarians were particularly badly off, notwithstanding that an intendant and a squadron of cavalry had been sent on in advance to make arrangements for supplies.

"“The result of their requisitions was not satisfactory, and many detachments had to bivouac after the fatiguing march on the bare ground, without wood or straw, and in torrents of rain. This was caused partly by the short time allowed, partly by the want of necessary conveyances, and partly by the undue consideration shown for the inhabitants in making requisitions, where the interests of the troops required a certain amount of security."

The utter slackness of the French regarding outpost arrangements during the late war is notorious, but never was there such an

instance of culpable carelessness as at Beaumont. When the corps commander, on approaching that place, hurried up to the advanced guard, the following is what he

saw:

'The eastern camp was full of life; smoke was rising from it, and men were busily hurrying hither and thither; soldiers in shirt sleeves were going to the town, or returning from it, but nowhere was a human being in uniform to be seen.

Binoculars of every size and description, and also a large fixed telescope, were brought to bear upon the camp. It presented rather the appearance of an encampment of gipsies than one of soldiers; not a sentry, not a vidette was to be seen, still

less any body of soldiers. The head-quarter staff of the corps began to doubt whether this camp was occupied by the enemy at all,-whether the people whom they saw were not the inhabitants of Beaumont, or soldiers of the German 12th Corps, who had taken possession of the deserted encampment, and were cooking their meal in it. The total disregard of any precautionary measures, even such as the posting of camp guards, &c., as are usual in mere camps of instruction, necessarily gave rise to these suppositions."

It is generally believed that but little opposition was offered to the Germans on the occasion of their first advance to the Loire and the capture of Orleans. Our author shows, however, that this idea is erroneous. The French forces were mostly raw levies, badly off for good officers, and imperfectly organized, yet their behaviour on the field of battle was anything but discreditable to them. The resistance, especially in the environs of Orleans, was most determined, and on the day of the capture matters seemed at one time to be in a state unfavourable to the Germans. Still more obstinate was the

resistance of Chanzy's army after the second capture of Orleans. The French seemed hopelessly beaten, and Prince Frederick Charles believed that he had nothing more to do than to follow up the débris and make prisoners. Yet for three days these raw, undisciplined troops maintained their position at Beaugency, and when eventually Chanzy, by a stroke of genius, changed his base and fell back upon Le Mans, instead of upon Tours, he succeeded in effecting his retreat, notwithstanding the bad weather, with an amount of order which, under the circumstances, would not have disgraced veteran soldiers. The loss of the Bavarians in the three days fighting at Beaugency was most severe, being 88 officers and 1,986 men, killed, wounded, and missing, out of a total force that, including some reinforcements which arrived during the action, amounted to about 12,000 men. The artillery suffered particularly heavy losses. Kriebel's battery was literally destroyed.

"This battery had suffered very much on the previous day. On the evening of December 8th, it had still, besides the commanding-officer, a complement of one officer, four non-commissioned officers, and twenty-five men. From the position turned with only two non-commissioned officers near Villechaumont the commanding-officer re

and twelve men."

The author gives us the state of the 2nd Infantry Division on the 11th of December, the day after the conclusion of the struggle, and from it we learn that out of twelve battalions but three were commanded by majors; that four were commanded by captains, and five by lieutenants; and that of captains not in command there was only one. Another fact worthy of mention is, that out of 3,998 rank and file, no fewer than 556 belonged to the Landwehr, and 1,996 to the Ersatz Reserve. The Ersatz Reserve were men who had only undergone two or three months training, and were about as efficient as our Militia Reserve would be. It will be noticed that as regarded Landwehr, the Bavarians adopted a different system from that followed by the Prussians, for the latter organized their Landwehr in separate battalions, while the former incorporated theirs with the active

battalions.

beginning of January, 1871, rejoined the army When the 1st Bavarian Corps, at the of investment, they adopted a position in"Three lines in rear of each other, viz., outposts and main line, each composed of a brigade, and a reserve of one division; it had the advantage that a whole division was in readiness to move to a flank, but had the disadvantage that too little importance was attached to the possibility of a serious engagement in our front. The position of the two brigades, one in rear of the other, with a front covering six English miles, would have rendered it impossible to keep them distinct in case of an attack, and the separate guidance, not only of the brigades, but also of the divisions, would have been lost. These disadvantages could be remedied by placing the divisions one on the flank of the other. This was effected by the reliefs on the 23rd and 24th of January."

We cannot more fitly conclude this notice than by giving the following extract, to appreciate which fully the reader should bear in mind that the 1st Bavarian Corps entered on the campaign about 30,000 strong, and did not probably receive above 10,000 men in reinforcements during the war. These figures

Of all the German Corps the 1st Bavarian Army Corps suffered the heaviest losses, with the exception of the 3rd Corps, and the Prussian Guards. The former lost 594 officers, 11,182 men; and the latter lost 423 officers, 9,604 men. Although the 1st Corps could not boast of having forced any fortresses to capitulate, it captured, on five different battle-fields, 12 field-guns, 1 eagle, 6 standards, and also captured about 5,000 prisoners and 6 heavy guns which had been abandoned in narrow

earth-works."

It must be remembered that the losses from sickness are not included in the above figures, and that the Bavarians were not more than three-fourths the strength of the North German Corps.

It only remains for us to say that the work is enriched by some excellent large scale maps, which are given in the second volume, and that the translator has performed his task most creditably.

Congregational History, 1567—1700, in relation to Contemporaneous Events, and the Conflict for Freedom, Purity, and Independence. By John Waddington, D.D. (Longmans & Co.)

WITH much industry, Dr. Waddington conGreat Britain and her Colonies. It is a record tinues his history of Congregationalism in of suffering and triumph on the part of the Congregationalists, the former, however, sadly predominating. In the previous volume, Congregationalism was but a hazy idea; here it comes before us in a concrete and substantial

form. Puritanism was not Congregationalism. It has been too much the habit to regard them as one and the same thing; but the early Puritans had no idea of Independency, or dissociation from a State Church. What they Church itself, always regarding the Church as looked for was greater freedom of action, and bound up with the State. Even the Episcopal form of Church government was not altogether

reformation of forms and ceremonies in the

distasteful to them.

After a great religious revolution, such as that which took place under Henry the Eighth, it was no wonder that the thinking portion of the English people should inquire what had been gained by the enormous dislocation. But not only was Elizabeth not tolerant : she was herself a persecutor; not in the same degree certainly as her father or sister, yet still a persecutor; and persecutors, too, were her Bishops and Archbishops, her Ministers of State and Judges, even the Parliament itself - as all the enactments against the Roman Catholics on the one hand, and the various sectaries on the other, passed during her reign show! Toleration was a thing that no one understood. Those who cried out for it the most on their own account being often those who were least disposed to show any toleration or indulgence towards persons o

differing or opposite views. Even Cartwright, one of the most distinguished leaders of the Puritans, who had himself suffered grievously from persecution,

"Felt himself at liberty to appear openly as the antagonist of Browne. Much as he had personally suffered from the temporal power, he still clung to the idea of force, and longed for the day when the Puritan ministers should be re-instated in the establishment by Act of Parliament... Cartwright still retained the opinion that it was not right to separate from the assemblies of the Church recognized by the Churches of Europe. Though deformed, he said, the Church of England is still the body of Christ; without walls it may be, nevertheless, it is a city, and a vineyard, though without a fence."

Travers held to the same opinions, and so eventually did Robert Browne, founder of the sect of the "Brownists" which long survived the defection of its leader. This extraordinary man, a cousin of Lord Burghley, who commenced by being an advocate of Independency or something like it, ended his career as a parochial clergyman in Northamptonshire, "under the observation of his neighbour, Thomas Fuller, the ecclesiastical historian." Such men made their peace with the "powers that be," and no doubt upon what appeared to them reasonable conviction. The followers of Browne, however, had to pay the penalty for acting up to the teachings of their leader. Thus, in 1583, Elias Thacker and John Copping were convicted and summarily executed for dispersing Browne's books. William Dennis was also put to death for his separatist opinions. Others were heavily fined. WhitWhitgift, Archbishop of Canterbury, was determined that nothing should interfere with Episcopal rule. There should be no private meetings of the "faithful," so-called, and no books printed anywhere, except with his own approval or that of the Bishop of London. Considering the temper of the English people at this time, only recently emancipated from Popery, and longing to assert their spiritual liberty, we may form some idea as to how they chafed under the restrictions sought to be placed on them by Protestant prelates. The Martin Marprelate tracts were only a natural outcome of this muzzling of the press. There was no laying hold of the authors of these publications, which were written in a bitterness of spirit that increased tenfold the determination of Whitgift to exterminate the upholders of antiprelatical sentiments. He found an able coadjutor in his suffragan, Bancroft, Bishop of London; and, together, they harried and worried all who differed from them in opinion as to the right of the Church by law established. Of such importance were the Marprelate tracts thought to be, that Burghley himself, in 1589, issued a proclamation, that "such enormous malefactors should be discovered and condignly punished." Martin himself was never discovered. Doubtless there were several concerned in the publications issued under his name, and the secret was well kept; so securely that he could write in the following terms:

"Why, my clergy masters, is it even so with your terribleness? May not a poor gentleman signify his good will unto you by a letter, but presently you must put yourselves to the pains and charges of calling four Bishops together, John Canterbury, John London, Thomas Winchester, William of Lincoln, and posting over city and country for poor Martin? Why, his meaning in writing unto you was not that you should take

the pains to seek for him. Did you think that he did not know where he was himself? Or, did you think him to have been lost, that you sought so diligently for him? I thank you, brethren, I can be well though you do not send to know how I do. My mind toward you, you shall from time to time understand. It will be but folly for you to persecute the courtier, Martin, until you have cleared yourselves (which you can never do) of the crimes he hath laid to your charge. Alas! poor Bishops, you would fain be hidden in a net, I perceive. Have but a free disputation with the Puritans, for the unlawfulness of your place, and if you be not overthrown, I will come in and do unto you what you think good, for then I will say that you are no popes. There was the 'Demonstration of Discipline,' published together with mine 'Epistle,' which is a book wherein you are challenged by the Puritans to adventure your bishoprics against their lives in disputation. You have gotten a good excuse to be deaf at that challenge, under colour of seeking for Martin."

One Dr. Bridges wrote a ponderous volume against Marprelate, and was answered in a bantering pamphlet, published under this title, 'O read over John Bridges!' Cooper, Bishop of Winchester, also wrote a work against him, entitled 'An Admonition to the People of England,' and was answered in a pamphlet, styled 'Hay, any Worke for Cooper!' one of the ordinary London street cries. Others of these tracts were entitled, "Theses Martinianæ,' "printed by the assignes of Martin Junior, without any priviledge of the Catercaps," and Martin's mineralls. Certain minerall and metaphysicall school points to be defended by the Reverend Bishops and the rest of my Cleargie,' &c. Strangely enough, Thomas Nash, the dramatist, took up the cudgels for the prelates, on whose behalf he wrote 'An Almond for a Parrat, or Cuthbert CurryKnave's Almes fit for the Knave Martin,' also 'Pappe with an hatchet, alias a figge for my God-sonne, or cracke me this nut.' Such publications as these gave additional interest to the controversy.

Naturally enough, Whitgift and Bancroft used all the means in their power to discover the author, or authors, of the Marprelate tracts, but without effect. Some printers, however, were arrested at Manchester, on the charge of having printed them; and it was resolved to prosecute certain of the leading Puritans and Secession Ministers, not for heresy, but felony, as by their writings and preachings tending to bring the form of Church government, the Bishops and the Queen herself into public contempt. Foremost among these was John Udall, "a painstaking Minister at Kingston-upon-Thames." He was indicted for publishing what was called a scandalous book, entitled 'A Demonstration of Discipline,' and, after a most unfair trial, was found guilty and sentenced to death. The sentence, however, was not immediately carried out, in the hope that he might be induced to implithe hope that he might be induced to implicate others, more especially the authors of the Marprelate tracts. He constantly affirmed, however, that he knew nothing about them. His expression was, "But for Martin' and the rest of those books, they were not done by any ministers, and I think there is never a minister in this land that doth know who Martin is. And I, for my part, have been inquisitive, but I could never learn who he is." There is no doubt that he was sincere in this statement; and it is wonderful what mystery still attaches to the authorship of the Mar

prelate tracts, which appear to have been printed at itinerant presses. Udall was thrown into prison, where he remained for a long time, not without hopes of being released; and eventually a pardon was granted to him; but before all the preliminaries could be arranged, and just when his wife was expecting to receive him back to herself and children, he died of Southwark. a broken heart in the gaol of the White Lion,

The next victims were Greenwood and

Barrowe, two noted Separatists, from the latter of whom the sect of the "Barrowists" took its denomination. Both were condemned and sentenced to be hanged. On the 24th of March, 1593, they were taken out of their cell and placed in the cart, as if going to execution, when they were suddenly ordered back again to their prison. A few days afterwards they were actually taken as far as Tyburn, in order that they might be induced by the sight of the fatal tree to make submission and confession; but even this failed to intimidate them, and they were remanded to prison. Eventually, on the 6th of April, "Barrowe and Greenwood were hurried to the place of execution secretly, and put to death." A still nobler victim than any of these was John Penry. Penry had escaped into Scotland from the fury of the persecution, but, on hearing of the danger of his friends Barrowe and Greenwood, had returned to London and boldly identified himself with them. was a nobility in all his acts, and a tender expression in his letters and other writings, that might have touched even harder hearts. than those of Whitgift and Bancroft. From the moment of his arrest, he knew that his doom was inevitable, and he acquiesced in it with the spirit of a true martyr. From his prison he wrote a valedictory address to the Church, exhorting his friends to the practice of piety, and the maintenance of their principles with humble zeal, and concluding in the following strain of holy rapture:

There

"I thank my God I am not only ready to be bound and banished, but even to die in this cause by His strength. Yea, my brethren, I greatly long in regard of myself to be dissolved, and to live in and his angels; with Adam, Enoch, Noah, Abrathe blessed kingdom of Heaven with Jesus Christ ham, Moses, Job, David, Jeremiah, Daniel, Paul the great Apostle of the Gentiles; and with the rest of the holy saints, both men and women, with the glorious kings, prophets, and martyrs of Jesus Christ that have been from the beginning of the world; particularly with my two dear brethren, wood, which have, last of all, yielded their blood Master Henry Barrowe and Master John Greenfor this precious testimony."

On the 21st of May, Penry received sentence of death. In a "Protestation," which he addressed on the following day to Lord Burghley, he declares his innocence of all charges brought against him of disaffection to Her Majesty, whose faithful subject he always had

been and should continue.

66

"I am a poor young man," he says, born and bred in the mountains of Wales. I am the first, since the last springing up of the gospel in this latter age, that laboured to have the blessed seed thereof sown in those barren mountains. I have often rejoiced before God, as He knoweth, that I had the favour to be born and live under Her Majesty, for the promoting of this work. In the earnest desire I had to see the Gospel in my native country, and the contrary corruptions removed, I might well, as I confess in my published writings, with Hegetorides the Thracian, forget mine own

danger, but my loyalty to my prince did I never forget; and being now to end my days before I am come to the one-half of my years in the likely course of nature, I leave the success of my labours unto such of my countrymen as the Lord is to raise after me for the accomplishing of that work which, in the calling of my country unto the knowledge of Christ's blessed Gospel, I began... ... Far be it that either the saving of an earthly life, the regard in nature I ought to have to the desolate outward state of a poor friendless widow and four poor fatherless infants, whereof the eldest is not above four years old, which I am to leave behind me, or any other outward thing, should enforce me, by the denial of God's truth, contrary to my conscience, to lose mine own soul: the Lord, I trust, will never give me over unto this sin. Great things in this life I never sought for, not so much as in thought. A mean and bare outward state according to my mean condition, I was content with. Sufficiency I have had, with great outward troubles; but most contented I was with my lot, and content I am and shall be with my undeserved and untimely death; beseeching the Lord that it be not laid to the charge of any creature in this land; for I do, from my heart, forgive all those that seek my life, as I desire to be forgiven in that day of strict account; praying for them as for my own soul, that, although upon earth we cannot accord, we may yet meet in heaven, unto our eternal comfort and unity, where all controversies shall be at an end. And if my death can procure any quietness to the Church of God, or to the State, I shall rejoice. I know not to what better use it could be employed if it were reserved. And therefore in this cause I desire not to spare the same. Thus have I lived towards the Lord and my prince, and thus I mean to die, by His grace. Many such subjects I wish unto my prince, though no such reward to any of them. My only request being also as earnest as possibly I can utter the same unto all those, both honourable and worshipful, unto whose hands this my last testimony may come, is that Her Majesty may be acquainted herewith before my death, if it may be, or at least before my departure."

Such were the simple, touching words in which, without pleading for his life, he still gave the Lord Treasurer an opportunity of procuring for him the Queen's mercy. All was in vain, however. On the 29th of May, his death-warrant was signed at a meeting of the Privy Council, among whom were Whitgift and Burghley; and the Archbishop was the first to affix his name to the document. The same day it was sent to the sheriff, who immediately proceeded to erect a gallows at St. Thomas a-Watering, the place of execution for the county of Surrey. "While Penry was at his dinner, the officers came to bid him make ready, for he must die that afternoon at four o'clock; an unusual, and, therefore, unexpected hour. He was led at five from the prison in the High Street, Borough, to the fatal spot," where, in the presence of only a few persons, to whom he was not allowed to address any parting words, he yielded up his spirit under the hands of the executioner.

Some of the followers of Penry were brought into trouble for having aided and sympathized Iwith him in his affliction. A great many, however, of his congregation in Southwark, acting on the advice of Penry, took refuge in Amsterdam, where they were joined by Henry Ainsworth, a good scholar, especially in the Hebrew tongue, who officiated as their minister. Others continued to languish in the prisons of their own country, being welcomed whenever they could manage to escape by their brethren in Holland.

This was the condition of the Separatists

in the latter years of Queen Elizabeth's reign; and it did not much improve during the reign of her successor. What it was under the tyranny of Laud, every one knows, at least to some extent. There are few, however, who will not derive additional information upon the subject from a perusal of Dr. Waddington's volume.

NOVELS OF THE WEEK.

Shingleborough Society. 3 vols. (Samuel Tinsley.)

Through the Mist. By Jeanie Hering. 3 vols. (Virtue & Co.)

SHINGLEBOROUGH SOCIETY is a good deal spoilt by the outrageous doings of the neighbouring squire, who is a black sheep of the deepest dye. Drunken, violent, and dishonest as he is, his wealth attracts the fancy of Maude Villiers, the beauty of the place, who for his sake throws over a young army surgeon to whom she has been engaged. This piece of treachery takes place when Herbert Laurence is serving in the Crimea, where his history is chiefly remarkable as being connected with the Land Transport Corps, a branch of the service which has hitherto lacked celebrity in fiction. Maude soon learns to repent her error. Alfred Ramsay, her husband's elder brother, turns up from Australia, and at once enters upon the enjoyment of the wealth which had attracted her, and poverty does not improve her brutal husband's temper. At last she is about to elope with Herbert, when the train in which they are travelling meets with an accident, which effectually prevents the accomplishment of their design. Both culprits are smashed and jolted back to virtue; but their subsequent fortunes are unequal. Maude retires to shame and seclusion (having slipped, as it were, between two matrimonial stools, for Ramsay turns out to have a former wife alive), while the penitent male makes experience guide him to a wiser choice, and accomplishes successful matrimony.

'Through the Mist' opens pleasantly enough with its descriptions of the Isle of Arran, and the daily life of the family about whom our interest is to centre, the two middle-aged "aunties," Miss Jean and Miss Bell MacInnes, and their twin nieces, Ruby and Dulcie Duncan. To these personages enters, at the beginning of the story, an artist, one Harold Pierrepoint, between whom and Miss Bell certain tender feelings had subsisted some twenty years ago. Now, however, as is the wont of men, though very friendly towards the elder lady, his eyes turn more frequently to the young people, and more especially to Dulcie. But she meets her fate otherwise. They find a young man astray and asleep in the woods, who, on being brought home, and hospitably treated, introduces himself as Maurice Ingram. He falls in love with Dulcie, and she with him, in spite of the fact that he is a Roman Catholic and she a staunch Presbyterian, and in spite, moreover, of a secret affecting his former life, which she will not hear, and he, not unwillingly, conceals. He also conceals, without giving her any hint of its existence, his engagement to his father's ward; but as absolutely nothing comes of the breach of this, even when Dulcie afterwards discovers it, except a momentary shock to her, which a word of explanation dissipates, we

think that Maurice himself knew his own affairs better than the authoress. The fact is, however, that after the introduction of Maurice Ingram, the story "goes to pieces." Maurice and Dulcie get married, in spite of the terrible secret; and after a reconcilement with Mr. Ingram the elder, and his death, they go and live in Norfolk, until the secret is discovered, when we say, that though bad no doubt, it is not enough to make the mystery of a threevolume novel; that in ninety-nine similar cases out of a hundred the result would have been different; and that the authoress, in order to give it the required influence on the course of events, has to invent a sufficiently improbable accident. However, poor Maurice is got out of the way, and Dulcie marries again in course of time, and there is an end. The first volume, as we have said, is good. The different characters of the two aunts,—Miss Jean commanding and managing everything, from her sister to "the beasts," Miss Bell submissive and blundering,—are reproduced with a difference in the two nieces, of whom Dulcie, by greater vivacity and quickness, takes the lead, rather than the deeper and more thoughtful Ruby. All these are good enough; and their talk, with its slight touches of Scotch idioms (rather Lowland than Highland, by the way, we should have thought), produces the pleasant effect of a slight Scotch accent in a pretty mouth; and if Miss Hering had confined herself to this, we should be able to give her credit for a nice little picture. But we fear she has no aptitude for holding a number of threads without losing sight of one, or introducing any unnecessarily. The episode, for example, of the woman whom Maurice and Dulcie meet in the crypt of Glasgow Cathedral, is absolutely without any connexion with the story, or effect upon its progress; and the same remark applies to other points. Nothing comes of all the talk about the antipathy of Presbyterians to Catholics, except that the young people have to make a runaway marriage instead of proceeding in the more usual fashion. They do not even catch colds from their night journey in the snow. Miss Hering appears to us to have sketched out the beginning of a story without the foresight requisite to see how events would tend, and in some respects without the courage to follow them to their consequences. The catastrophe comes too abruptly, as if the writer had suddenly remembered that she was bound to fulfil her own predictions. Thus her story, though not devoid of merit, cannot, we fear, be pronounced either successful or even very promising.

MINOR POETS.

Lays of a Knight Errant in Many Lands. By Major-Gen. Sir Vincent Eyre. (H. S. King & Co.)

The Poetical Works of Edmund Clarence Sted-
man. (Boston, U.S., Osgood.)
Progress, and other Poems. By M. S. (J. R.
Smith.)

Arlon Grange. By W. A. Gibbs. (Provost & Co.) WHEN young people follow the possibly malicious advice of friends, and print the weak rhymes which flow from an immature mind, we are sorry for them; although we do not much wonder. But we find a field-officer of mature years and experience must own to a feeling of astonishment when we thinking it worth while to publish verses so very feeble, from every point of view, as those of Sir