if the partition of the waste recommended by the Committee of 1868 be carried out.

the next few years will absorb the remain- | Old Style), but the Fence Month had not der of the unenclosed lowland. Such is been enforced within living memory, and the inevitable result of the powers con- the Winter Heyning was gradually beferred by existing Acts even upon the coming a dead letter, even before the remost moderate interpretation of their lan- moval of the deer. It was, therefore, guage; but if a partition of the forest naturally believed that these rights would take place, its open lands may immedi- go with the deer, and had been compenately suffer further diminution, for claims sated under the Act of 1851, as part of will be advanced by the Office of Woods, "the right to keep deer; but further which, unless disallowed by the Legisla- compensation was demanded in 1868 for ture, must be compensated by further con- the surrender of these rights also. While, cessions of land for planting or in fee. therefore, in any event, the primitive The Chief Commissioner, relying partly beauty of the woodlands is on the eve of upon the perpetuity of the right of the total destruction, the public may also lose a Crown to keep deer, states that all planta-large portion of the unique pleasure-ground tions made under the Acts may be success- for ever, by the concessions, to be made as ively disenclosed and replaced by others compensation for these unsatisfied claims, of similar extent ad infinitum; but it is difficult to believe that such unlimited powers over the New Forest were conferred by Parliament, in exchange for the barren right to keep deer there. Compensation is also expected for the surrender of certain laws of the forest, the scope and nature of which it is probably impossible to define. The larger proportion of these laws would seem to be antiquated and impracticable relics of the oppressive Norman law imposed upon the district by the Conqueror; but as a formal announcement has been made that 26,000 acres of private property are "within the regard of the forest," and, as well as the wastes, are subject to the operation of these laws, the amount of compensation demanded is likely to be large. It should, however, be added that this view is as yet unsupported by evidence, and has been disavowed by former Chief Commissioners.* Two only of these forestal rights have found their way into the statute-book. Whilst the deer were in the forest, the Crown had the right to exclude the cattle of the commoners from it during the Fence Month, when the does were dropping their fawns (June 20―July 20, Old Style), and during the Winter Heyning (Nov. 4— May 4,

The subject of these forestal laws was first broached in the subreport of the Secretary to the Commission of 1850, submitted by him, "not as a complete and sufficient report upon the various matters inquired into, but rather as notes made in the course of my investigations hitherto," "I may refer to the facts in that report and the subreport as containing substantially all the information I have to give on the subject, because I was in communication with Mr. Hume, and I believe a good deal of that matter was framed in communication with me." Evidence of the Solicitor to the Office of Woods and Forests, 1868, q. 1,008.

A Bill for the disa fforestation of the New Forest is to be brought before Parliament during the present session by the Chief Commissioners of Woods and Forests. Its provisions have been discussed in the pamphlet to which frequent reference has already been made. A searching inquiry will doubtless ensue, and it is hoped that the importance of the largest open space in England to the general public will be fully investigated before it is permitted to pass into the hands of any section of the nation. Economists must also determine the commercial value of the speculation upon which the Department of Woods has embarked, and inquire into the expenditure of large sums of public money upon the district; for it is at least an open question whether the nation is not much the poorer for what has been done.

The fate of the remnant that yet survives, now rests in the hands of the Legislature; meanwhile, in the interest of those whose only books are Nature's looks, and of those to whom an innocent taste acquired may prove a harmful taste forestalled, an earnest protest may perhaps be permitted against the further destruction of scenery unique in Great Britain, and, if represented in America at all, but imperfectly represented by the oak openings of Michigan.*

From The Pall Mall Gazette.

GER.

As a student of history I cannot accept it, for

THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF DR. DOLLIN- as such I know that the persistent endeavour to realize this theory of universal dominion has cost Europe rivers of blood, has disordered BAVARIA is one of the few countries in whole countries and brought them to ruin, has Europe in which the doctrine of Papal In- shattered the beautiful structure of the earlier fallibility could have direct consequences, Church, and in the Church of modern times has and the conflict between Dr. Döllinger and generated, nurtured, and maintained the worst his Archbishop, which has resulted in the abuses. As a citizen I must reject it, because excommunication of the former, is bring- by its pretensions to the subjection of States and ing these consequences to light more rapmonarchs and of the whole of the political idly than any one anticipated. Ever since system to the Papal power, it leads to endless July last the Ultramontane party have la-destructive conflict between Church and State, between clergy and laity. bored indefatigably to obtain adhesions to the new dogma. Though Dr. Döllinger The publication of this letter the day had made no public declaration since the after its date in the Augsburg Gazette decision of the Council, it was generally shows that Dr. Döllinger intended it as a believed in Germany that he would not manifesto to those who agreed with him, recognize that decision as binding, and so of whom he says there are thousands great was his influence that this opinion among the clergy and hundreds of thouwas sufficient to keep the matter unsettled sands among the laity. So it was reand the Ultramontane triumph insecure. garded by the public, who hastened to exThe Archbishop of Munich twice addressed press their sympathy with the writer; and him on the subject, and at last fixed a day also by the Archbishop, who immediately by which he was to give in his submission issued a pastoral to his flock warning them under pain of incurring ecclesiastical cen- against Dr. Döllinger's errors. The prosures. Thus called upon, he declared posal for a conference could not, he said, himself in very distinct terms. He asks be accepted, for there was nothing to disthe Archbishop to meet his disobedience cuss. The Church had spoken; the connot by condemnation, but by admitting troversy was over. And as the Doctor him to a conference, either at Fulda, where still continued contumacious excommunithe German bishops are about to assemble, cation followed. There are political interor before a body of theologians to be se- ests involved in the treatment of Dr. Dollected by the Archbishop. If in this con- linger which complicate the action of Ulference he was convinced of his errors, he tramontanism. As the religion of the was ready both to accept the dogma and vast majority of the people, Catholicism in to withdraw everything he had written Bavaria retains a great position in the against it. If, however, this conference State, and that position is supported by were allowed him, he expected to prove public opinion. But Doctor Döllinger is that the doctrine was contrary to Scrip- not only a great theologian. As Dean of ture; that it was based upon a misconcep- the Cathedral Chapter, a professor of the tion of the history of the Church and of University, and a member of the Legisher traditions. The Council, he main- lative Body, he enjoys a political position, tains, enjoyed no freedom of discussion. and one which the State cannot see him Its only parallel in Church history is the deprived of by irresponsible authority withRobber Synod of Ephesus. No pains were out sacrificing that principle of a controltaken to examine the authorities relied on. ling influence in Church affairs which BavaThe vast majority of the Latin bishops rian Catholicism contends for. It is in had neither the inclination nor the critical protecting the Church from irresponsible power for such an undertaking, although influence that the Augsburg Gazette sees a the importance of the doctrine in question safeguard against the dangers of Ultramade an investigation the more indispens-montanism. It points to the spread of able. The dogma supplies at once a new Ultramontane opinion in Prussia as proof rule of faith. For the future the Catholic of the evil which must ensue where Church when asked the ground on which he accepts or rejects any opinion must say, I accept it or reject it, because an infallible Pope has enjoined me to accept it or to reject it. The doctrine is of Roman origin, and can never be accepted by Teutonic nations; and Dr. Döllinger thus concludes:

and State are regarded as independent powers determining their respective rights by treaty. This theory of a Catholicity making a part of the State, Dr. Döllinger and his adherents feel cannot co-exist with the doctrine of Papal Infallibility. In this way the public are enabled to grasp the question apart from theological subtleties.

Hence the popular agitation which the Paris wants to secure this unity by the publication of these documents has produced in Southern Germany, and which every day seems to increase.

From The Saturday Review. THE PROGRAMME OF THE COMMUNE.

co-operation of a vast aggregate of free and independent local bodies. But Paris, having now a Commune of its own, refuses to wait until the rest of France has followed its example. It will make any changes and any experiments it pleases which would be within its sphere if Communes flourished throughout France. It has its own views, for example, on ecoTHE Commune has taken advantage of nonical and educational questions, and it what may possibly be its last opportunity naturally proceeds at the earliest moment of addressing France through its own offi- to give expression to these views. What cial organ, to state what it wants and are the precise views of those who now what it is fighting for. This programme speak in the name of Paris on the great is in every way a remarkable document, subject of education we are not informed; and deserves attentive study. It has been but as to economical questions we are unmistakeably composed by men who told, in what is the only obscure sentence have at least thought out their own mean- of the programme, that "produce, exing, and who offer to the consideration of change, and credit have to universalize France ideas which, whatever may be power and property according to the nejustly said and thought of the character cessities of the moment, the wishes of and acts of their present promulgators, those interested, and the data furnished can scarcely fade away into nothing when by experience"; the meaning of which the military insurrection is suppressed. It appears to be, that, if Paris likes to make is in short a programme of decentraliza- a Socialistic experiment, it claims to be tion, of decentralization carried to an ex- allowed to do so, as it will learn more by treme which would make the coherence of the success or failure of the experiment a great nation difficult, or perhaps impos- than in any other way. sible, but the exaggerations of which are It would be extremely easy to criticise mainly to be attributed to the exaggera- this programme from a hostile point of tions of centralization with which France view, to contest the assumption that Paris has been so long familiar, and from which belongs to itself, or that Paris is repreFrance has suffered so many evils. What sented by those who affect to speak in its is it that Paris wants? It wants, in the name, and to show that the present Comfirst place, the Communists reply, a Re-mune falls miserably short of its own propublic; and, in the next place, a Republic gramme, and that, if it is the duty of an composed of Communes, each independ- ideal Commune to maintain an "absolute ent in its own sphere. But what is the guarantee of individual liberty and liberty sphere of a Commune? The programme of conscience," this duty is performed in a certainly gives a distinct answer to this very imperfect manner at present in important question. The freely elected Paris. But it is sometimes more importgoverning body of each locality is to raise ant to dwell on the merits than on the deand spend all money raised for local taxes, merits of political ideas which are being is to organize its own judicial system and warmly expressed and actively defended. administration, manage its police, and con- The first thing that strikes an Englishman trol and conduct education in its bound- is that the Commune, in this manifesto, is aries as it pleases. It will be the duty only asking in an extreme form for what of the Commune to protect all individuals the inhabitants of large towns in England composing it in the free expression of their and the United States already possess. opinions, and in following the dictates of London raises its own revenue and spends their conscience; and it will secure order it; the liberty and rights of conscience of within itself, and protection against as- Londoners are adequately protected. saults from without, by having its own London elects many of its magistrates and local force, with heads elected by the some of its judges, and the freedom of members. This is all Paris asks for. It election in this respect is carried much wants, we are told, no Dictatorship over further in the United States than anythe rest of France, nor does it menace the where in England. It is true that local unity of France; but whereas France has liberty is under much greater restrictions hitherto been kept together by a dicta- in London or New York than the framers torial Government overcoming all resist- of the programme propose that it should ance by the agencies of centralization, be in Paris. The chief towns of England

concoction, by a set of French provincials, of such schemes for robbing of the reality of its municipal freedom a city which was ready to fight them very hard rather then endure the repetition of the treatment it had received from them and those like them.

and of the United States are subject to is to pull the strings of the central authorthe general laws of the country, and are ity. It is a substitution of the First Concontrolled by the armed force of the Gov- sulate for the Empire. Even the Assemernment. Here local liberty is made to bly, reactionary as it is on most points, harmonize with so much of central author- went so far as to pronounce its opinion ity as is requisite for the preservation of a that if the system of municipal elections great State. Still, to judge the Com- was to be reformed at all, complete freedom mune and its programme fairly, we ought should be allowed in the election of all to take into consideration the circum- municipal officers; and to this M. Thiers stances in which Paris finds itself, and all replied that he would rather resign than the recent history of France. Paris has for allow anything of the sort, and he forced twenty years had no local liberty at all. the Assembly to enact that in all large It has been kept down in trembling sub- towns the Mayor should be a Government jection by an army composed mainly of nominee. Subsequently a clause which provincial peasants torn by conscription was thought a wonderfully clever contrifrom their homes, and obeying blindly the vance for managing Paris was introduced, dictates of a successful adventurer who by which it was provided that each arronderived his title from the approval given dissement shall return the same number him by remote peasants and fanatical of councillors, so that the populous and priests. A Parisian might fairly ask a dangerous quarters might be tricked out Londoner what he would have to say of the influence which universal suffrage about the relative claims of local and cen- would secure for them. The Commune tral authorities if for twenty years the of Paris has done many wicked things, author of a coup d'état had been holding and put forward many outrageous predown London with an Irish army. The tentions, but we must say that we can big towns of England are content because understand the indignation and contempt they have their own way; and among which its defenders must have felt at the other things they have twice, in the space of time that has elapsed since the French Revolution of July, forced Reform Bills on the country party, in order to secure the due consideration in Parliament of their wishes and interests. The difficulty that we may conceive pressing on the mind of a Parisian is this, that revolutions At the conclusion of its programme the which merely place the central authority Commune makes a vehement appeal to in the hands of a new set of persons do no France to disarm Versailles and to be the good. There was frantic joy in Paris last ally of the Commune, which can only end September when the Emperor was de- in the triumph of the Communal idea or clared to have forfeited his crown and the the ruin of Paris. There does not seem the Republic was proclaimed. But what hap- slightest chance of France responding to pened? France in due course of time the appeal. The few towns inclined to sent up an Assembly which did not want respond are kept down by troops loyal to the Republic at all, and which was only in the Government, and the mass even of doubt which branch of a monarchical those who desire municipal freedom are family it should seat on the throne. The absorbed by the thought that the first old story would be told again; Paris would thing for France to do is to get rid of the be disarmed, a large army would be Germans, and to retrace its steps from the brought in to keep it quiet, an ubiquitous brink of ruin. The present Government police would interefere with every depart- of France appears to be one of the most ment of public life, Government nominees timid, narrow, and ineffective it has ever would crush out every symptom of munic- possessed; but still its cause as against ipal freedom, and perhaps a new Baron the Commune is the cause of common Haussmann would tax and rebuild Paris at his pleasure. It is true that M. Thiers still swears by the Republic, and about a fifth part of the Assembly heartily support him in his resolution. But what are the views of M. Thiers on the subject of municipal liberty? What is his conception of a Republic? It is a form of Government in which he is to be Chief of the Executive,

sense and of national safety. The Commune will in all probability be soon put down, and Paris will again be at the mercy of the central authority. To the credit of M. Thiers it must be said that he seems resolved to use his power over Paris, if he gets it, as mildly as possible. But he means to put down the Commune and to introduce his own First Consular system