his letter to you of 28th February last, in great republican bubble in America had which he denies the truth of certain allega- burst," and owned "that the republic had tions in my address to Congress on the 12th been for many years a great and free State." of the same month. The passage which he But he uttered no expectation or hope of cites contain these three allegations: the restoration of our Union, and rather inThat as British Secretary of State for For-timated that the Americans were "about to eign Affairs he viewed this republic as "the destroy each other's happiness and freedom." late Union;" that he sent this view of our Lord John, on that occasion, rightly attributcountry through the palaces of Europe; and ed the rebellion to the "accursed instituthat he made haste to do so. When Lord tion of slavery," and confessed that England Russell calls to mind the authority for these was the giver of "the poisoned garment; statements he must acknowledge them to be that the former governments of Great Briperfectly just and true. tain were "themselves to blame for the On the 6th day of May, 1861, Lord John origin of the evil." But this confession Russell, then Secretary of State for Foreign must be interpreted by the light of his averBffairs, wrote a despatch to Lord Lyons in ments on the 6th of May, 1861, and by Lord which he describes the condition of Ameri- Russell's later assertion that the efforts of ca as "the disruption of a confederacy;" our country were but a contest for “empire." and he further used these words: "Civil In speaking to the American Congress of war has broken out between the several the life and character of Abraham Lincoln States of the late Union. The government of the Southern portion has duly constituted itself. Her Majesty's government do not wish you to make any mystery of that view." Here is irrefragable proof of my first allegation. On the day on which the Minister of the Queen thus wrote he addressed a despatch to Lord Cowley, her Majesty's Ambassador at Paris, designating our republic as "the States which lately composed the American Union," "the late United States,"" the late Union;" and he enclosed in that despatch, for Lord Cowley's instruction, a copy of the above cited letter to Lord Lyons. Having thus ostentatiously communicated his view of our country as "the late Union," he asked, in return, "to be made acquainted with the views of the imperial government." My second allegation is, therefore, true, in letter and in spirit. That Lord John Russell, as Secretary of State, was in haste to do this, appears from his not having awaited the arrival of the American Minister of Mr. Lincoln's appointment, and from those very letters of the 6th of May, 1861, to Lord Cowley and to Lord Lyons; for in those letters he confesses that he had not as yet "received from Lord Lyons any report of the state of affairs and of the prospects of the several parties;" but that on coming to the decision which was so momentous and unprecedented he acted on the reports of " some consuls" and "of the public prints." it was my unavoidable duty to refer to the conduct of the British Government toward our country during his administration, for nothing so wounded his feelings, or exercised his judgement, or tried his fortitude. I was asked to address the two Houses of our Congress, and those only. When I learned that the British Minister at Washington was likely to be one of my hearers, I requested Mr. Seward to advise him not to be present; and through another friend, I sent him a similar message, which he received and perfectly understood. I need not recall words of ninety years ago to be persuaded that in peace America and the United Kingdom should be friends. I have a right to say this; for when in the public service, I proved it by public acts; and, as a private citizen, I have never wished our government to demand of a foreign power anything but justice. Pray send Lord Russell a copy of this letter which he is at liberty to publish; and I consider myself equally at liberty to publish his letter, to which this is a reply. I am ever, my dear Mr. Adams, very truly yours, GEO. BANCRoft. LORD J. RUSSELL TO LORD LYONS. FOREIGN OFFICE, May 6, 1861. My Lord, Her Majesty's government are disappointed in not having received from you by the mail which has just arrived, It is true that twenty-four days after any report of the state of affairs and of the Lord John Russell had officially described prospects of the several parties with referour country as "the disruption of a confede-ence to the issue of the struggle which apracy," "the late United States," "the late pears unfortunately to have commencd Union," he reproved a member of the House between them; but the interruption of of Commons for openly exulting "that the communication between Washington and New York sufficiently explains the non-ar- template all the evils which cannot fail to rival of your despatches. result from it. I am, &c., J. RUSSELL. EXTRACT OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S 30, 1861. The account, however, which her Majesty's consuls at different ports were enabled to forward by the packet coincide in showing that whatever may be the final result of SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, MAY what cannot now be designated otherwise than as the civil war which has broken out between the several States of the late Union, for the present at least, those States have separated into distinct confederacies, and, as such, are carrying on war against each other! The question for neutral nations to consider, is, what is the character of the war, and whether it should be regarded as a war carried on between parties severally in a position to wage war, and to claim the rights and to perform the obligations attaching to belligerents. Her Majesty's government consider that the question can only be answered in the affirmative. If the government of the Northern portion of the late Union possess the advantages inherent in long-established governments, the government of the Southern portion has, nevertheless, duly constituted itself, and carries on in a regular form the administration of the civil government of the States of which is composed. Her Majesty's government, therefore, without assuming to pronounce upon the merits of the question on which the respective parties are at issue, can do no less than accept the facts presented to them. They deeply deplore the disruption of a confederacy with which they have at all times sought to cultivate the most friendly relations; they view with the greatest apprehension and concern the misery and desolation in which that disruption threatens to involve the provinces now arrayed in arms against each other; but they feel that they cannot question the right of the Southern States to claim to be recognized as a belligerent, and as such, invested with all the rights and prerogatives of a belligerent. I think it right to give your Lordship this timely notice of the view taken by her Majesty's government of the present state of affairs in North America, and her Majesty's government do not wish you to make any mystery of that view. I shall send your Lordship, by an early opportunity, such further information on these matters as may be required for your guidance. At present I have only to add that no expression of regret that you may employ, at the present disastrous state of affairs, will too strongly declare the feelings with which her Majesty's government con My honorable friend, the member for the West Riding of Yorkshire, alluded the other night to one subject in a tone which I was very sorry to hear used by any one. My honorable friend said that "the great republican bubble in America had burst." Now, sir, I am proud to confess I may be subject to correction-but, for my part, when I find that a dark and tyrannical despotism has been abolished, and that people are likely to enjoy free government in its place, I rejoice. It is my duty to represent her Majesty as friendly to all existing States; but if a despotic government fall, and the people who have been subjected to it are likely to obtain better and freer government, I cannot conceal that it gives me satisfaction, and that I sympathize with them. But I own I have very different feelings when a great republic, which has enjoyed for seventy or eighty years institutions under which the people have been free and happy, enters into a conflict in which that freedom and happiness is placed in jeopardy, I must say the joy which I felt at the overthrow of some of the despotisms of Italy is counterbalanced by the pain which I experience at the events which have lately taken place in America. I admit that I have thought, and that I still think, that in this country we enjoy more real freedom than the United States have ever done. I admit, also, that the great founders of that republic, wise and able men as they were, had not the materials at hand by which they could interpose, as we are able to do in this country, the curb and correction of reason in order to restrain the passionate outbursts of the popular will. Yet we cannot be blind to the fact that the republic has been for many years a great and free State, exhibiting to the world the example of a people in the enjoyment of wealth, happiness and freedom, and affording bright prospects of the progress and improvement of mankind. When I reflect that the re proaches which are cast by the States of the North upon the States of the South, and the resistance which they have called forth, have arisen from that accursed institution of slavery, I cannot but recollect also that with our great and glorious institutions we gave them that curse, and that ours were the hands from which they received that fatal gift of the poisoned garment which night, and I must say that I believe the senwas flung around them from the first hour of their establishment. Therefore I do not think it just or seemly that there should be among us anything like exultation at their discord, and still less that we should reproach them with an evil for the origin of which we are ourselves to blame. These are the feelings with which I heard the remarks of my honorable friend the other timents which he expressed form an exception to the general impression in England. Indeed, I think nothing could be more honorable to our country than the prevailing pain and grief which have been occasioned by the prospect of that great and free people being about to rush into arms to destroy each other's happiness and freedom. No. 1147. Fourth Series, No. 8. 26 May, 1866. POETRY: The Dead Ship of Harpswell, 514. The Song That " Gamper " Sung for "Little Purker," 514. May Flowers and Little May, 539. God Careth, 554. Our Blossom, 569. NEW BOOKS. CHOLERA. By Carroll Dunham, M. D. Published by John T. Smith & Sons, New York. THE NEW GOSPEL OF PEACE ACCORDING TO ST. BENJAMIN. Book Fourth and Last, American News Company. New York. PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY BY LITTELL, SON, & CO. BOSTON. TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION. FOR EIGHT DOLLARS, remitted directly to the Publishers, the Living Age will be punctually forwarded for a year, free of postage. But we do not prepay postage on less than a year; nor where we have to pay a commission for forwarding the money. Price of the First Series, in Cloth, 36 volumes, 90 dollars. Second The Complete work Any Volume Bound, 3 dollars; Unbound, 2 dollars. The sets, or volumes, will be sent at the expense of the publishers. From gray sea-fog, from icy drift, The home-bound fisher greets thy lights, But many a keel shall seaward turn, And many a sail outstand, When, tall and white, the Dead Ship looms She rounds the headland's bristling pines, Old men still walk the Isle of Orr Old shipwrights sit in Freeport yards What weary doom of baffled quest, What makes thee, in the haunts of home, No ripple hath the soundless wind For never comes the ship to port, No tack of sail, nor turn of helm, In vain o'er Harpswell Neck the star In vain the harbor-boat shall hail, No hand shall reef her spectral sail, Shake, brown old wives, with dreary joy, And, over sick-beds whispering low, Some home amid yon birchen trees And slowly where the Dead Ship sails, From Wolf Neck and from Flying Point, And one shall go the silent way And men shall sigh, and women weep, They know not that its sails are filled Nor see the angel at the helm THE SONG THAT "GAMPER" SUNG FOR "LITTLE PURKER." GRAY hairs upon his forehead and deep furrows in his cheek, That of many a long and weary year, and many a sorrow, speak: His fingers idly wandering o'er life's-harp's half-broken strings, 'Tis thus the aged grandsire to his infant grandchild sings; 'Tis thus to brown-haired "Purker," her grayhaired "Gamper" sings. "God bless our little 'Purker! May the sunlight of His grace Shine still brighter on her pathway as the years wear on apace! May the comfort of the 'Spirit' from on high, Comforter,' the Keep all sorrow from her gentle heart, all tear drops from her eye! May no sorrow wring her gentle heart, no teardrop dim her eye! "God bless our little 'Purker!' bless her o'er and o'er! May HE Showers of Heaven-descended manna fill her 'basket and her store!' From sin's perils and temptations, angel arms be stretched to save, Heaven's own light illume her pathway from the cradle to the grave; God's love gild her earthly pathway, angel's arms be strong to save! "Bless her indoors, bless her outdoors, bless her whereso'er she goes, From the little hat upon her head to the tip end of her toes, From the daylight of the opening day to the twilight of its close; And all night may angels hover o'er the place of her repose: All night the baby-angels hover over her repose!" |