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This volume will be a Handbook of the various Benevolent and Patriotic Institutions, Learned and Social Societies, Clubs, &c., in London, connected with Scotland. Fcap. 8vo. limp cloth, 18. (This day. London: SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, LOW & SEARLE SATURDAY, APRIL 18, 1874. LITERATURE The English in Ireland in the Eighteenth WHEN we last parted with Mr. Froude, his Irish history had reached a period which may not unjustly be regarded as marking the commencement of the modern constitutional history of that country. The efforts made to uproot the native population from the soil by successive "plantations" from England, or to persuade them into English modes of thought and action by the imposition of an alien church and a foreign political system, having decisively and confessedly failed, statesmen had already begun to turn their attention towards another mode of solving the ever-anxious problem, of "How to govern Ireland." The new idea was to disarm the hostility of those who, after all, formed so vast a majority of the population of the whole country, and who declined to be extirpated; and this was to be done, at first, less by conceding substantial advantages to them, or restoring any of the property or privileges of which they had been deprived, than by conciliating those whom they regarded as their natural leaders, the resident Roman Catholic hierarchy, and the members of the native aristocracy still professing the popular faith. The well-known affection of the Irish for the ministers of their religion, and their loyalty to their hereditary chiefs, gave the assurance of success to this endeavour; and owing to the conflict between their interests and those of the Protestant party, it was believed that the country would be kept so disunited and depressed as to be incapable of giving any serious trouble to England-the sole and openly-avowed object of our policy towards the sister island in those days. With these views successive Lord-Lieutenants had made their appearance at Dublin, and others were yet to come; with these views they were ultimately to succeed only in disgusting one party without securing the other, and to lay up for themselves still accumulating stores of trouble, disappointment, and disgrace. Yet just at that moment the policy did not seem altogether devoid of ingenuity, or of some hopes of success. It was confessed that the penal laws had failed of their object, and that the Irish Church, as a missionary institution, had still more disastrously failed in hers. Scarcely any person outside Ireland itself could fail to perceive this, and the English Cabinet perceived it very clearly, while at the same time they found the exclusively Protestant Irish Parliament an excessively difficult body to manage, and becoming more and more overbearing in its pretensions every day. On the one hand, then, were insolent pretentions to political supremacy put forward on the plea of a religion which made no converts; on the other, the English ministers could not fail to perceive that the religion so strenuously legislated against did not only commend itself more and more to the hearts of the people, but that Catholics had also managed to become successful traders and acquire property by their exertions, and hence a new stake and interest in the stability of the country, in spite of all restrictions. Here was a body of persons, then, that would not be stamped out and could not be ignored, and might be useful; and that chapter-not yet closed-in British history was opened which was to relate the efforts of statesmen to reconcile the irreconcilable, to govern a country justly by fraudulent pretences, and venal arts. In the midst of this transitional state of Irish affairs, Mr. Froude concluded his first volume. "The Protestant Revolt" from the newly conceived policy forms the subject of the second. The English in Ireland, he writes, were an army of occupation amidst a spoliated nation," and we now learn by what gradual stages this army passed from enthusiastic loyalty to open insurrection; and the extraloyalty to open insurrection; and the extraordinary tale is once more unfolded, through all its strange and manifold evolutions, of how a comparatively insignificant fraction of a nation aspired to, and almost obtained, complete national independence, dragging with them in sympathy the vast mass of their fellow-subjects, over whom they dominated, and whom, for the most part, they detested with a fervour of detestation which has seldom been surpassed. To this part of his task Mr. Froude has devoted himself with eminent success. Often as the melancholy story of Ireland's efforts after Home Rule in the last century has been told, never has it been related in a more interesting and brilliant manner. Nor do we detect in the instalment of the work now immediately under review the same spirit of uncompromising hostility to everything Irish, as Irish, which, in our opinion, disfigured the last one, and against which we hastened at the time to record our protest. True, Mr. Froude has, as usual, but little sympathy with the Catholic Celts; but, on the other hand, he is equally unsparing in his denunciations of their English oppressors; and this time not solely for their illjudged leniency in suffering the Irish to exist, but sometimes even, as in his condemnations of the Irish Church and Absentee Landlords, from motives absolutely the reverse. an indignant vein he denounces the theory -which elsewhere he seemed to support Thus in that the incurable instability of the Irish character, not English misgovernment, was responsible for the greater part of that country's miseries, as "identical with the defence presented long ago by Adam's eldest son, and, as in that first instance, a cynical pretext to cover deliberate wickedness." He proceeds : "If Ireland had fallen into sloth, England had first annihilated the most flourishing branch of her industry. She had left her the linen trade, and boasted of having given her exceptional advantages in the prosecution of it, but she was repenting of her magnanimity, invading the compact, and, by side measures, stealing it from her in favour of her own people. She had cut Ireland off from the sea by her navigation laws, and had forced her into a contraband trade, which enlisted half her population in organized resistance to the law. Even her wretched agriculture had been discouraged, lest an increasing breadth of corn in Cork and Tipperary should lower the value of English land. Her salt meat and butter were laid under an embargo when England went to war, that the English fleets and armies might be victualled cheaply at the expense of Irish farmers. If the high persons at the head of the great British Empire had deliberately considered by what means they could compel Ireland to remain the scandal of their rule, they could have chosen no measures better suited to their end than those which they had pursued unrelentingly through three quarters of a century." Of the dignitaries of the Church he avers:— the nominees to the Irish Sees as waylaid and "The celebrated passage in which Swift describes murdered by highwaymen on Hounslow Heath, who stole their letters patent, came to Dublin, and were consecrated in their place, is scarcely an exaggeration of the material out of which Ireland in the last century was provided with a spiritual hierarchy." Whilst on all occasions he seems to have the justest appreciation of the characters of the Absentees and the scandals of the pension list. The history re-commences in the autumn of 1763, and the second volume closes in the spring of 1789. Within this period are embraced the principal circumstances of that "Protestant revolt," produced, in part, as has been seen, by the new policy of the British Cabinet towards the Roman Catholics; in part, as we at all events believe, by the sincere desire of a few men of preeminent ability to raise their country to an independent position. Mr. Froude is no admirer of Irish patriots. Flood he exposes mercilessly, and on all occasions, and even for Grattan his admiration is by no means unqualified. On the other hand, he has a hero of his own, no other than Fitzgibbon, certainly the most unpopular man of his day, whom our author belauds in a manner that is altogether extravagant. That Fitzgibbon rendered excellent service to the British Government, and thereby (in Mr. Froude's opinion) to his country, is certain; and that he was a man of courage and address, is equally indisputable; but where Mr. Froude has found the materials for the remarkable eulogium which, upon more than one occasion, he passes upon him, entirely surpasses our comprehension, as well as contradicts our conception of the history of the period. In a similar spirit he has nothing but praise for Lord Townshend, whose "flexibility of scruple" even he condescends to admire. If Mr. Froude is formidable in invective, he is certainly equally powerful in panegyric. He is, we think, unnecessarily and unfairly severe upon the Volunteers, who, in the opinion of most people, played an honourable part in the destinies of their country, and came forward at a time of great national danger to serve gratuitously against the common foe. They may have been, as he describes them, "the fountain of so much poisonous hope, the symbol of so much childish infatuation," but they themselves were not responsible for all the foolish things that were said and done in their name; and it is to their credit rather than their discredit that they "flickered out" than a protection to the State. when their presence became a danger rather Mr. Froude describes the proceedings of the Irish Parliament both before and after '82 not unfairly, for the utmost ridicule could not render the greater part of their proceedings more shameful and pitiful in fact and appearance than we have long since recognized them as being. If he treats some of the principal actors, such as Henry Flood and Hely Hutchinson, more harshly than we could have wished, it is not, it must be confessed, without grave cause, and we fully concur in his opinion that Grattan was much more of an orator than a statesman. On the whole, the second volume by no means deepens the impression which we had formed from the first, that we were about Facta Non Verba. By the Author of 'Contrasts.' (Isbister & Co.) THIS is a work of the same kind as 'Contrasts,' and by the same author. It professes to be a comparison between the good works performed by the ladies in Roman Catholic Convents in England and the unfettered efforts of their Protestant sisters," but it is, in effect, a careful account of the labours of eleven ladies, Miss Rye, Miss Macpherson, Miss Merryweather, Miss Chandler, Miss Gilbert, Mrs. Hilton, Miss Carpenter, Miss Cooper, Miss Robinson, Miss Whately, and Miss Harris-the last, by the way, is hardly, we suspect, rightly described as a Protestant-the names of most of whom are sufficiently well known in a general way, although regarding the exact nature and success of their work there is, we imagine, little detailed information in a generally accessible form. This want our author supplies. He writes in each case not from hearsay, or from official or semi-official "Annual Reports," but from what he has actually seen for himself; and his accounts have all that minuteness which gave charm and interest to 'Contrasts.' In each case he is at home in his facts, and master of his details, and he tells his story in a simple, straightforward style, with a studied abstinence from any attempt at colour. If the volume does nothing else, it, at any rate, gives us a new notion of how much there is for women to do, and how much a woman can do if she is in earnest about her work. Miss Rye, for instance, commenced her labours some years ago with a capital of 7501. In spite of this small beginning, she has assisted to emigrate 178 governesses, and has found situations for them in the colonies; she has sent out to good places in Australia and New Zealand no less than 1,500 female servants; and she has herself taken to Canada, and placed in respectable families, where they are carefully brought up and kindly tended, 1,200 gutter children, nine-tenths of them girls, who, but for their benefactress's efforts, were condemned inevitably to a life of the worst degradation. "Without the slightest wish" (says our author) "to interfere in the vexed questions respecting the political rights of women, and the advantages or disadvantages to be derived from their taking an active part in the administration of public affairs, I maintain that the value of their personal services in philanthropic movements is greatly underrated by the community at large. In works of this description women certainly show as much ability as men, and in carrying out any scheme which they have, after mature deliberation, determined on, they generally show a far greater amount of perseverance, courage, and energy." Not less remarkable than the emigration mission of Miss Rye, although not so well known by name, is that of Miss Macpherson, by whom 1,800 "East-end Arabs" have been taken across the Atlantic and placed in Canadian farms. "It will thus be seen that no fewer than 3,000 children have been taken by these noble-minded women from the gutters "Not only has she established a hospital which, if not without parallel in the world, has certainly, from the peculiar diseases it receives, no superior, valescent Hospital, now doing an immense amount but she has also established and organized a Conof good. She has, moreover, collected funds to establish forty-eight annuities for incurable paralytics and epileptics, and money is now, happily in her case, flowing in with such liberality as to give hopes that the number of annuities will soon be vastly increased." The wards in Queen's Square-a description of them is given on pp. 119-21-must be well worth seeing, and our author's account of them makes the portion of the book devoted to Miss Chandler most interesting. and back-slums of London and placed in and, on the principle that "a corrupt tree can- A chapter is given to the history of Miss Such is the matter of Facta Non Verba.' In or the degradation of the confessional." "Had those ladies," asks our author, "the brief sketch of whose lives and labours I have given, been the inmates of a convent, no matter how well organized, and under a set of rules drawn up by even the most liberalminded priests, could the result of their labours have been greater, or have conferred more honour on the country of which they are natives, or the religion which they profess?" The reader will not find it difficult to give the answer. Indeed, in our opinion, the writer proves his case ten times over. But apart altogether from the especial thesis which it is written to establish, Facta Non Verba' will be found full of interest. It is a simply-told tale of good works, done by devoted and noble Eng |