Physicians failed to identify his name with the rise at both CHAP. VI. Oxford and Cambridge of schools of medicine that might have rivalled the fame of Salerno and of Padua. Unfortunately his executors, though men of unquestioned integrity, were already over-occupied with other important duties', and the founder's scheme remained for a long time inoperative; troublous times followed and the universities were wantonly pillaged; and ultimately the Linacre foundations,—originally designed and not inadequately endowed as the nucleus of an efficient school of natural science at both universities,dwindled to two unimportant lectureships, each at the disposal of a single college, and offering in the shape of The emolument but small attraction to recognised ability. 1 The trustees were More, Tunstal, Stokesley, and Shelley. It was not until the third year of the reign of King Edward vi that Tunstal, the surviving trustee, assigned two of the lectures to Merton College, Oxford, and one to St. John's College, Cambridge. The management of Linacre's bequest has been criticised by Dr. Johnson in his life of the founder, published 1835, in the following terms: Amongst the many instances of misapplication and abuse on the part of feoffees of funds, the appropriation of which has been specifically prescribed, a more glaring one has seldom occurred than the following, which recent enquiries have been the means of exposing to the world. Tunstal...seems on this occasion either to have sacrificed the consistence of his character to private friendship, or to have been diverted from his duty by arguments against which his old age and imbecility of mind rendered him a very unequal opponent. It is evident from the tenour of the letters patent that the inheritance of the ample estates, which Linacre had assigned to his trustees, was intended to be vested in the university of Oxford, for the performance of the obligations which the letters specified. Wood admits that the trustees meditated such a disposal of them, but that owing to the great decay of the university in the reign of Edward vi, the survivor was induced to settle Linacre Lectureships. CHAP. VI. The Cam bridge stu dents at Cardinal College. reformed Oxford. The history of those Cambridge students who accepted Wolsey's invitations forms a well-known chapter in Foxe and D'Aubigné, and has been retold, with all his wonted felicity of narrative, by Mr. Froude. The principal names that have been preserved to us are those of John Clerke', Richard Cox, Michael Drumm, John Frith, Richard Harman, Thomas Lawney, John Salisbury, and Richard Taverner. Spread of the Though acting with greater circumspection and secresy, they doctrines at appear to have formed at Oxford a society like that they had left holding its meetings at the White Horse at Cambridge; and the infection of Lutheran opinions soon spread rapidly to other colleges. The authorities at Oxford, before the the young lapse of two years, became fully apprised of their proceedCardinal ings, and the movement was clearly traced to the activity of the new comers. 'Would God,' exclaimed Dr. London, the warden of New College, when he learned that these pestilential doctrines had penetrated even the exclusive society over which he presided, 'would God, that my lord his grace Wolsey's treatment of Reformers at College. salary was to increase at the end of its emoluments. In the statutes sanctioned by the queen in Council, in 1860, it was ordered by statute 41 that the election should be vested in the master and seniors of St. John's College; that the lectures should be open to any student of the university; and that the lecturer should receive all payments to which he was entitled by the foundation, together with any other advantages or emoluments which might be assigned to him by the master and seniors. The advan tages thus resulting to the university, in the shape of most competent scientific instruction, have undoubtedly been fully commensurate with the moderate salary that still represents the original foundation. Further information on the subject will be found in Appendix B to Lord Brougham's Commission. 1 It is doubtful, as there were several of his contemporaries of the same name, whether this John Clerke is the same as the one whose death in prison was attended by such touching circumstances. Mr. Cooper (Athena, 1 124), inclines to the negative conclusion. had never motioned to call any Cambridge man to his most CHAP. VI. godly college! It were a gracious deed if they were tried and purged and restored unto their mother from whence they came, if they be worthy to come thither again. We were clear without blot or suspicion till they came'' But at the same time he was compelled to admit that the proselytisers had found their converts among the most towardly young men in the university.' Wolsey's chagrin at the discredit thus brought upon his new foundation was extreme, and those students who were convicted of having Lutheran volumes in their possession were treated with barbarous cruelty. They were thrown into a noisome dungeon, where four died from the severity and protracted duration of their confinement, and from which the remainder were liberated in a pitiable state of emaciation and weakness. Of the latter number however it is worthy of note that nearly all subsequently attained to marked distinction in life. against the Cambridge. d. 1553. In the meantime a rigorous enquiry had been going on at Proceedings Cambridge; and as the first result, towards the close of the Reformers at year 1527, George Joye, Bilney, and Arthur, were summoned George Joye. by Wolsey to appear before the chapter at Westminster to answer to sundry charges. Joye's narrative of his individual experiences is familiar through various channels to many readers. Arriving in London one snowy day in November, he found on proceeding to the chapter-house that Bilney and Arthur were already undergoing examination; and, in his own language, 'hearing of these two poore shepe among so many wolves,' was not 'over hasty to thrust himself in among them.' Perceiving that he was circumvented by treachery, he successfully outmanoeuvred his enemies, and effected his His flight to escape from London to Strassburg. On arriving there he lost no time in publishing certain letters of the prior of Newnham Abbey, by whom he had been accused to the authorities, and vindicated with considerable ability the orthodoxy of the heresies for which he had been cited. His subsequent 1 Dr. London to Warham, Rolls House MS. (quoted by Froude, I 46). For Dr. London see Wood, Colleges and Halls (ed. Gutch), p. 2 The Letters whyche Johan Ash Strassburg. His character. CHAP. VI. disingenuous performances in connexion with Tyndale's New Testament, and Tyndale's description of his character', will perhaps incline us to conclude that the severity with which Dr. Maitland has commented on his want of veracity, in common with that of other of the early Reformers, is in this instance not altogether undeserved. Examination of Arthur Westminster. against Arthur. With Arthur and Bilney, whom Joye had left undergoing and Bilney at their examination at the chapter-house, it fared much the Articles same as with Barnes. The indictments against Arthur were not numerous; and of these, while he admitted some, he denied the most important. He denied that he had exhorted the people to pray for those in prison on account of their religious tenets, or that he had preached against the invocation of saints and image worship; but he confessed to having used bold language in favour of lay preaching; to having declared that every layman was a priest3; and more especially to having said, in a sermon before the university on Whit Sunday, 'that a bachelor of divinity, admitted of the university, or any other person having or knowing the gospel of God, should go forth and preach in every place, and let for no man of what estate or degree soever he were: and if any bishop did accurse them for so doing, his His recanta curses should turn to the harm of himself.' Of these latter articles he now signed a revocation and submitted himself to the judgement of the authorities*. tion, Articles against Bilney. Bilney, who was regarded as the archheretic, and who probably felt that on his firmness the constancy of his followers materially depended, gave more trouble. He had offended well, priour of Newnham Abbey be- 1 Čanon Westcott, Hist. of the English Bible, pp. 56-60, 69. 2 Essays on the Reformation, pp. 4-12. 3 By the authority of God, where He saith Euntes in mundum, prædicate evangelium omni creaturæ; by which authority every man may preach.' (Second Article, FoxeCattley, Iv 623). Arthur's inference almost suggests a doubt whether he rightly translated the Latin. 4 Cooper, Annals, 1 325; FoxeCattley, Iv 620-3. against the authority of the Church far more seriously by his CHAP. VI, obstinate practice of the theory which Arthur had asserted. The friars had twice dragged him from the pulpit; his voice had been heard at Christchurch and St. George's in Ipswich, inveighing against pilgrimages and the pretended miracles of the day; in the same city he had held a public disputation with a friar on the practice of image worship; he had been no less vehement though less personal than Barnes, in his attacks on the pride and pomp of the superior clergy; and finally, he was a relapsed heretic'. At first it seemed that he was resolved to incur the direst penalties rather than abjure a second time. When urged by Tunstal he three times refused his submission; but the persuasions of his friends ultimately prevailed, and he again consented to sign an act of recantation. On the following Sunday, He recants a the 8th of December, he publicly, along with Arthur, bore his fagot in procession at Paul's Cross. After this he was recommitted to prison; was a second time examined and abjured by Wolsey; and finally after twelve months' imprisonment regained his liberty, and was once more seen at Cambridge, walking and conversing with Latimer on Heretics' Hill. second time. tire of the It seems beyond question that it was with reference Skelton's sato this occasion that Skelton attacked the Cambridge Cambridge · 1 Bilney denied that he had wit. tingly taught any of Luther's opinions. Then the cardinal asked him, whether he had not once made an oath before, that he would not preach, rehearse, or defend any of Luther's opinions, but would impugn the same everywhere? He answered that he had made such an oath; but not lawfully.' Foxe-Cattley, iv 622. 'not judicially (judicialiter in the Register).' Burnet-Pocock, 1 70. 2 'For ye were worldly shamed At Poules crosse openly, All men can testify; There lyke a sorte of sottes, Ye were fayne to bear fagottes, At the feest of her concepcion Ye suffred suche correction?' Skelton-Dyce, 1 211. It will not be possible to reconcile this reference to Bilney's recantation in 1527, with Mr. Dyce's theory that Skelton (who Reformers. |